Thursday August 10, 1905
Girard, Kansas – Mother Jones Visits with the Waylands, Will Speak in Nearby Pittsburg
Hellraisers Journal: Mother Jones, “Famous Socialist Orator,” in Girard with Mr & Mrs J. A. Wayland
its later days of profound wisdom,
and then it passed away.
-Mother Jones
Thursday August 10, 1905
Girard, Kansas – Mother Jones Visits with the Waylands, Will Speak in Nearby Pittsburg
Mother Jones, the famous socialist orator, is the guest of Mr. and Mrs J. A. Wayland.
From the Appeal to Reason of August 5th, we learn that Mother Jones spoke before a large audience in Novinger, Missouri on July 23rd:
Comrade Wise, of Novinger, Mo., informs the Appeal that Mother Jones visited them on the 23rd of July and spoke to over twelve hundred people. The meeting was one of the greatest successes they ever had, and the comrades are profuse in their expressions of gratitude and hopes of success for Mother.
Today’s Pittsburg Daily Headlight reports that Mother Jones will speak in Pittsburg, Kansas this evening:
Makes a Flying Visit “Mother” Jones, the socialist agitator, who will speak in Pittsburg this evening, spent the day here among her friends and admirers among the local socialists. One of the local socialist committee stated this afternoon that she was not able to address the Chicopee meeting as expected this afternoon, and that she would make but one address in this field, that in Pittsburg tonight, she will leave here tomorrow for North Dakota to address a meeting there.
SOURCES
The Pittsburg Daily Headlight
(Pittsburg, Kansas)
-Aug 4, 1905
http://www.newspapers.com/…
-Aug 10, 1905
http://www.newspapers.com/…
Appeal to Reason
(Girard, Kansas)
-Aug 5, 1905
http://www.newspapers.com/…
IMAGE
Mother Jones,
Appeal to Reason, Mar 11, 1905
http://www.newspapers.com/…
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J. A. Wayland
of the Appeal to Reason
““`In 1893, J. A. Wayland with a number of others decided to demonstrate to the workers the advantage of co-operation over competition. A group of people bought land in Tennessee and founded the Ruskin Colony. They invited me to join them.“No,” said I, “your colony will not succeed. You have to have religion to make a colony successful, and labor is not yet a religion with labor.”
I visited the colony a year later. I could see in that short time disrupting elements in the colony. I was glad I had not joined the colony but had stayed out in the thick of the fight. Labor has a lot of fighting to do before it can demonstrate. Two years later Wayland left for Kansas City. He was despondent.
A group of us got together; Wayland, myself, and three men, known as the “Three P’s” -Putnam, a freight agent for the Burlington Railway; Palmer, a clerk in the Post Office; Page, an advertising agent for a department store. We decided that the workers needed education. That they must have a paper devoted to their interests and stating their point of view. We urged Wayland to start such a paper. Palmer suggested the name, “Appeal to Reason.”
“But we have no subscribers,” said Wayland.
“I’ll get them,” said I. “Get out your first edition and I’ll see that it has subscribers enough to pay for it.”
He got out a limited first edition and with it as a sample I went to the Federal Barracks at Omaha and secured a subscription from almost every lad there. Soldiers are the sons of working people and need to know it. I went down to the City Hall and got a lot of subscriptions. In a short time I had gathered several hundred subscriptions and the paper was launched. It did a wonderful service under Wayland. Later Fred G. Warren came to Girard where the paper was published, as editorial writer. If any place in America could be called my home, his home was mine. Whenever, after a long, dangerous fight, I was weary and felt the need of rest, I went to the home of Fred Warren.
Like all other things, “The Appeal to Reason” had its youth of vigor, its later days of profound wisdom, and then it passed away. Disrupting influences, quarrels, divergent points of view, theories, finally caused it to go out of business.
[Photographs added.]
SOURCE
The Autobiography of Mother Jones
“Chapter IV – Wayland’s Appeal To Reason”
https://www.marxists.org/…
IMAGES
Mailing the Appeal to Reason from Girard, Kansas
http://www.kshs.org/…
J A Wayland
http://spartacus-educational.com/…
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Dear Readers of Hellraisers,
This year for my vacation, Hellraisers will not be as scaled back as it was for the past two vacations. This happy change is due to my new & much faster computer.
The big change that my readers will see, starting July 16th, will be the shorter length of the postings along with fewer links.
When my readers find unfamiliar names, places, or events, please use the tags along with JayRaye (in diarist section of search feature). Or just leave a question for me in the comments and I will get back to you.
When I actually leave for Minnesota, I’ll let everyone know.
Solidarity,
JayRaye
Note: Vacation has started! Until Aug 7th, I’ll be able to check in about twice a day. From Aug 8-30th, I’ll be checking in only 2 or 3 times per week. Hope everyone keeps on Raising Hell (with the corporate powers, not with each other) until my return from Minnesota.
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The Commonwealth of Toil-Pete Seeger
When our cause is all triumphant
And we claim our Mother Earth,
And the nightmare of the present fades away,
We shall live with love and laughter,
We who now are little worth,
But we’ll not forget the price we had to pay.
-Ralph Chaplin
-with last line changed by JayRaye
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Saturday August 12, 1905
Pittsburg, Kansas – Mother Jones Denounces John Mitchell as a “False Prophet”
Hellraisers Journal: In Pittsburg, Kansas, Mother Jones, Socialist Orator, Denounces John Mitchell
and his political friends are using the labor movement
to gather funds to erect a monument to his memory,
to a name that should be forgotten.
-Mother Jones
Saturday August 12, 1905
Pittsburg, Kansas – Mother Jones Denounces John Mitchell as a “False Prophet”
In a speech in Pittsburg, Kansas, on Thursday August 10th, Mother Jones, the “distinguished socialist orator,” denounced John Mitchell as a “false prophet,” causing a storm of controversy between the local socialists and the leaders of District 14 of the United Mine Workers of America.
From The Pittsburg daily Headlight of August 11th:
SAYS SOCIALISTS DO HARM President, Geo. Richardson, of the district miners’ board, said today that a strong effort is being made to strengthen the ranks of the miners’ organization in the southwest in order to meet the operators next spring with an unbroken front.
—–
Miners’ Union Officials Declare That “Mother” Jones
Is Doing Union An Injury.
——“Every effort is being made from different directions to dismember and weaken our organization,” remarked the district president, and this antagonism is not coming altogether from the side of the operators. The socialists like “Mother” Jones, who made that attack on the Mine Workers last night are dong more than the Parryites and the Citizens’ Alliance to undermine and disrupt the union organization of the miners. I didn’t hear “Mother” Jones last night but from what I have been told, she used terms and language which will not do the U. M. W. of A. any good. In fact such agitators are doing more injury to our cause than the Citizens’ Alliance and the Parryites ever have done.”
——
From the Fort Scott Daily Tribune and Monitor of August 12, 1905:
John Mitchell
“““““`The socialists and the labor unions of this section have always been regarded by the socialists, at least, as having a sort of an affinity. But there is a serious clash down in Crawford county where both the socialists and the labor unions are strong. The socialists brought “Mother Jones,” a distinguished socialist orator from the east to deliver a number of lectures to the union miners on socialism. She denounced their national president, Mitchell, as a false prophet, and declared that the leaders of the Mine Workers Union ought to be hanged for yielding in the big anthracite strike. This offended the officers of the miners’ unions, and they denounce “Mother Jones.”
—–
SOURCES
The Pittsburg Daily Headlight
(Pittsburg, Kansas)
-Aug 11, 1905
http://www.newspapers.com/…
Fort Scott Daily Tribune and Monitor
(Fort Scott, Kansas)
-Aug 12, 1905
http://www.newspapers.com/…
IMAGES
Mother Mary Harris Jones
http://theadvocateonline.com/…
John Mitchell
http://commons.wikimedia.org/…
See also:
Mother Jones + John Mitchell
http://www.dailykos.com/…
Note: Mother Jones never forgave John Mitchell for his desertion of the Italian miners of the Southern Colorado Coalfields during the Colorado Coalfield Strike of 1903-04.
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Dear Readers of Hellraisers,
This year for my vacation, Hellraisers will not be as scaled back as it was for the past two vacations. This happy change is due to my new & much faster computer.
The big change that my readers will see, starting July 16th, will be the shorter length of the postings along with fewer links.
When my readers find unfamiliar names, places, or events, please use the tags along with JayRaye (in diarist section of search feature). Or just leave a question for me in the comments and I will get back to you.
When I actually leave for Minnesota, I’ll let everyone know.
Solidarity,
JayRaye
Note: Vacation has started! Until Aug 7th, I’ll be able to check in about twice a day. From Aug 8-30th, I’ll be checking in only 2 or 3 times per week. Hope everyone keeps on Raising Hell (with the corporate powers, not with each other) until my return from Minnesota.
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Coal Tattoo – Southern Rail
I stood for the union and walked in the line.
I fought against the company.
I stood for the U. M. W. of A.
Now, who’s gonna stand for me?
‘Cause I got no house and I got no pay.
Just got a worrying soul
And a blue tattoo on the side of my head
Left by the number nine coal.
Left by the number nine coal.
-by Billy Edd Wheeler
lyrics, pdf! http://www.wvmusichalloffame.com/…
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WE NEVER FORGET
Luciano De Santos
Joseph Vilano
Michael Calabace
Who gave their lives in freedom’s cause
in the Southern Coalfields of Colorado during the strike of 1903-04.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From the International Socialist Review: Debs Answers Falsehoods of Kept Press
Hellraisers Journal: Eugene Debs on the Industrial Convention Delegates: “We have taken our stand.”
Wednesday August 16, 1905
From the International Socialist Review: Debs Answers Falsehoods of Kept Press
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That Eugene V. Debs, who has been regarded as the “head and front” of the “Industrial Unionist” movement, practically has withdrawn from the Industrial Workers of the World, the new international labor union which was launched yesterday by the convention at Brand’s hall, became the general understanding when he was not present to be installed as a member. DEBS QUITS NEW UNION.
—–
LEADER OF “INDUSTRIAL” MOVEMENT
SHUNS MEETING.
——
Is Absent from Convention at Which the Organization Is Formed
and Is Not Enrolled as a Member-
His Practical Retirement Deals
a Hard Blow to Order-
Believed to Have Gone to North Dakota-
Officers Are Elected.
——This practically knocks the new organization in the head at its inception, because only “minor lights” are left in control of the movement, which is organized for the purpose of saving the world in general…
From the International Socialist Review of August 1905:
The Industrial Convention THE delegates who assembled in Chicago last month in response to the call for the Industrial Convention were as representative a proletarian gathering as ever met in this or any other country. The task that awaited them was as difficult, all things considered, as any that ever confronted a body of workers, but they were equal to it and as the result of their deliberations and actions there is now a sound economic working-class organization in the field ; and although its progress will be beset with difficulties, it will sturdily face and successfully overcome them all and fulfill the great mission for which it has been organized.From the very first the capitalist papers misrepresented and in fact deliberately lied about the convention. I have it upon good authority that all the Chicago dailies united in instructing their reporters to “knock” the convention wherever possible and in other respects to ignore it. They did even worse than this, in that they resorted to downright mendacity to accomplish their purpose of defeating a body of men who by their records had proved that they were above the corrupting influences of capitalist bribery and whose object it was to unite the working class for their emancipation from wage-slavery.
These capitalist organs are all very loyal to the American Federation of Labor for reasons that readily suggest themselves.
To show how the capitalist press treated us it is only necessary to say that at their own solicitation I furnished a statement in regard to the convention and its objects. All the Chicago papers were supplied with a copy of it and all of them suppressed it. Not a single line appeared, although the statement was furnished at their own solicitation. Next, they sent reporters accompanied by shorthand writers to interview me in regard to the convention and the work it was expected to accomplish. I took the time to dictate an extended and detailed statement. Not a single line appeared. Then again, when I was obliged to leave the convention before adjournment to fill some speaking engagements, these same papers reported that I had left in disgust, which was an unqualified falsehood.
The work of the convention, on the whole, was and is entirely satisfactory to me. It was in point of fact, in many respects, the greatest labor convention I ever attended.
The delegates differed widely in matters of detail, which was to be expected, but upon the great vital principle of uniting the working class upon the economic field in a revolutionary organization recognizing and expressing the class struggle they were one, and the record they made for themselves and their class was in every respect creditable to both their heads and their hearts and will bear the severest tests of time.
Of course, there is’ no disposition on our part to avoid criticism. We expect it and are prepared to meet it. We have taken our stand and all the capitalist class and their cohorts of whatever name cannot dislodge us.
The predictions so freely made before the convention that Debs was seeking an office and that DeLeon would show his fine Italian hand were all designed to discredit the convention, and the fact that neither the one nor the other of these “self-seekers” holds office in the new organization forces these critics to find other reasons for opposing industrial organization in the interest of the working class.
DeLeon did not “capture” the organization and Debs is not “disgusted” with it. Such silly and stupid falsehoods will have no effect on the body of men and women who met in Chicago on June 27th, and who performed their task with such ability and such fidelity to the working class that the organization formed by them, so much needed at this time, will at once appeal to the workers of the land and they will rally to its standard in ever increasing numbers until it becomes the dominant power on the economic field in the working class struggle for emancipation.
Eugene V. Debs.
SOURCE
Chicago Daily Tribune
(Chicago, Illinois)
-Jul 9, 1905
http://www.newspapers.com/…
The International Socialist Review, Volume 6
-ISR of July 1905-June 1906
-ed by A.M. Simons
Charles H Kerr & Co, 1906
https://archive.org/…
ISR Aug 1905
https://archive.org/…
“Industrial Convention” by Eugene Debs
https://archive.org/…
IMAGE
Unionism and Socialism by Eugene V Debs, Cover, 1904
https://books.google.com/…
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Dear Readers of Hellraisers,
This year for my vacation, Hellraisers will not be as scaled back as it was for the past two vacations. This happy change is due to my new & much faster computer.
The big change that my readers will see, starting July 16th, will be the shorter length of the postings along with fewer links.
When my readers find unfamiliar names, places, or events, please use the tags along with JayRaye (in diarist section of search feature). Or just leave a question for me in the comments and I will get back to you.
When I actually leave for Minnesota, I’ll let everyone know.
Solidarity,
JayRaye
Note: Vacation has started! Until Aug 7th, I’ll be able to check in about twice a day. From Aug 8-30th, I’ll be checking in only 2 or 3 times per week. Hope everyone keeps on Raising Hell (with the corporate powers, not with each other) until my return from Minnesota.
““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““
The Commonwealth of Toil-Pete Seeger
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Thursday August 17, 1905
From the International Socialist Review: The Industrial Union Convention, Part 1
Hellraisers Journal: The Founding of the Industrial Workers of the World Marks the End of Craft War
From the International Socialist Review: The Industrial Union Convention, Part 1
…the formation of a nucleus of those who are determined that organizations of the working class shall reflect the industrial facts. It marks the beginning of the end of Civic Federationism and craft war in the American labor movement.
Acording to Simons, there were 203 delegates at the convention representing 142,930 workers:
The convention was made up of seventy delegates representing 51,430 men ready to be installed in the new organization. In addition there were 72 delegates representing 91,500 men, who, while sympathizing with the new organization did not have authority to install, and 61 individual delegates.
From the International Socialist Review of August 1905
Industrial Workers of the World THE convention which met at Brand’s hall, Chicago, from June 27th to July 8th, in spite of all the denunciations of the opponents and the strictures of critics, in my opinion, marks a decisive turning point in American working class history. It means the formation of a nucleus of those who are determined that organizations of the working class shall reflect the industrial facts. It marks the beginning of the end of Civic Federationism and craft war in the American labor movement.No attempt will be made to give a detailed account of the debates and general proceedings. These have already been published from various points of views and with varying accuracy in numerous socialist papers.
The signers of the original call for the convention were confronted by a dilemma from which it can not be said they were wholly successful in extricating themselves. They desired to bring together for conference all those who were ready to adopt the principle of industrial unionism. It was recognized that very many individuals connected with the old trade unions were incapable of bringing the unions along with them. Even those unions which were most favorable to the organization did not wish to take a leap in the dark into an organization which did not yet exist. Therefore the call was so worded as to permit of individual delegates.
The proceedings of the convention showed this to have been a mistake. It was taken advantage of to create paper organizations and to admit all sorts of persons representing nothing on earth but themselves. Many of these were diligent workers with the weapon with which we have Biblical authority that Sampson created so much slaughter among the Philistines. As a result there was much ground for calling the first few days of the session a talkfest. However, this time was not really wasted. The talk gave an opportunity not only to blow off steam and thus relieve the pressure during the rest of the convention, but it also placed many individuals on record in such a way that the bona fide trade unionists who did the actual work of the convention, and by whom it will be conducted in the future, were enabled to determine the real value of this class.
MAKE UP OF CONVENTION. The convention was made up of seventy delegates representing 51,430 men ready to be installed in the new organization. In addition there were 72 delegates representing 91,500 men, who, while sympathizing with the new organization did not have authority to install, and 61 individual delegates. While all of these will not join the new organization in the immediate future yet a large percentage of them will and the absence of those who will not join has already been offset by the adherence of organizations which were not represented at the convention. It is a very low estimate of the strength of the new organization to expect that within six months it will have one hundred thousand members.In spite of all the reports that have been sent out the gathering was far more harmonious than any socialist or trade union convention that has been held in recent years. There were plenty of oratorical fire works, some rather disgusting personalities from a few individuals who have become notorious for their records along these lines, but all of these things were confined to the little group of jaw smiths described above. Men who really represented anything and who really will do the work in the union, as they did in the convention were far more harmonious than might have been expected when it is remembered that they were called together to formulate new principles of organization. The only line of cleavage between bodies representing any strength was over the method of organization. Even here the difficulty was much less fundamental than the heat of debate would indicate.
The constitution committee brought in a report arbitrarily dividing the industrial field into thirteen departments. Delegate David C. Coates sought to amend this so that each industry would form a union on an equality with every other union. As might have been expected both sides were inclined to exaggerate their own position and sometimes it appeared as if the Coate’s amendment was seeking to restore trade rather than industrial autonomy. The matter was finally settled by the adoption of a compromise in the form of an amendment to the original report reading as follows:
The International and National Industrial Unions shall have complete industrial autonomy in their respective international affairs, provided the executive board shall have power to control these industrial unions, in matters concerning the interest of the general welfare.
Before the vote was taken on this amendment Chairman Haywood gave it as his opinion that this meant that charters for each industrial union would be given directly by the general executive board. None of the members of the constitution committee who were present objected to this interpretation.
[Photograph added.]
SOURCE
The International Socialist Review, Volume 6
-ISR of July 1905-June 1906
-ed by A.M. Simons
Charles H Kerr & Co, 1906
https://archive.org/…
ISR Aug 1905
https://archive.org/…
“The Industrial Workers of the World” by A. M. Simons
https://archive.org/…
IMAGES
A. M. Simons
http://en.wikipedia.org/…
Brands Hall, Chicago
http://nucius.org/…
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Dear Readers of Hellraisers,
This year for my vacation, Hellraisers will not be as scaled back as it was for the past two vacations. This happy change is due to my new & much faster computer.
The big change that my readers will see, starting July 16th, will be the shorter length of the postings along with fewer links.
When my readers find unfamiliar names, places, or events, please use the tags along with JayRaye (in diarist section of search feature). Or just leave a question for me in the comments and I will get back to you.
When I actually leave for Minnesota, I’ll let everyone know.
Solidarity,
JayRaye
Note: Vacation has started! Until Aug 7th, I’ll be able to check in about twice a day. From Aug 8-30th, I’ll be checking in only 2 or 3 times per week. Hope everyone keeps on Raising Hell (with the corporate powers, not with each other) until my return from Minnesota.
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One Big Industrial Union – May Day Chorus of Asheville
PAINT ‘ER RED!
We hate their rotten system more than any mortals do
Our aim is not to patch it up but build it all anew
And what we’ll have for government when finally we’re through
Is One Big Industrial Union.
-Ralph Chaplin/Elmer Rumbaugh
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Friday August 18, 1905
From the International Socialist Review: The Industrial Union Convention, Part 2
Hellraisers Journal: French Comrades “never deviate from the platform of the class struggle.”
Friday August 18, 1905
From the International Socialist Review: The Industrial Union Convention, Part 2
Although we are not able to participate directly in this union movement we are in full sympathy with you and we hope that your consolidated method of uniting the workers may develop your movement on a solid economic and social foundation and never deviate from the platform of the class struggle, a platform that is the reason for existence of union organizations, having for its aim the actual betterment of the conditions of the workers and also the disappearance of the capitalist class in order to bring about the complete emancipation of the working class.
From the International Socialist Review of August 1905:
FOREIGN RELATIONS. Invitations had been sent by the secretary of the parliamentary committee to the various European countries asking for their co-operation. Since there has been some misrepresentation concerning the replies received we include translations of the principal portions of the replies from Germany and France.The German letter was as follows:
After mature consideration the commission has concluded to refrain from sending fraternal delegates to this congress, although they fervently hope that a better connection may be created between American and German unions than has hitherto existed. The reason we do not send delegates to the Congress is, not that we do not sympathize with the movement in America, but we do not think it advisable to enter actively into the fermenting process (gahrungsprocess) through which the union movement of America is now passing. The sending of delegates to your Congress would amount to active participation, since these delegates would not only be expected to represent the German unions in Chicago, but they would also be in duty bound to give the benefit of their experience and thus participate in the construction, of a new organization.The central administration of the German unions has always held to the principle that it is not advisable to interfere in the development of a movement of any country from outside, since this development must proceed unhindered by outside interference. So we consider that the time has not yet come for us to send delegates to our comrades in America. But we hope that there may soon be a purification (klarung) in the American union movement and that an organization may appear that will correspond to modern ideas.
As to whether this organization will evolve from those existing or will be a new creation we will not attempt to judge. At any rate we shall strictly keep from any external influence. We beg the comrades to consider these reasons for not sending a delegation and to assure them that we are in full sympathy with the struggle of the laborers of America for emancipation. I would request further that you send me some of the plans of organization, in German, since some of our unions have expressed a desire to receive these plans. In the hope that we may soon see complete fraternal co-operation with the organization work of your country, I am,
Yours fraternally, C. Legien.
The French comrades wrote as follows:
Although we are not able to participate directly in this union movement we are in full sympathy with you and we hope that your consolidated method of uniting the workers may develop your movement on a solid economic and social foundation and never deviate from the platform of the class struggle, a platform that is the reason for existence of union organizations, having for its aim the actual betterment of the conditions of the workers and also the disappearance of the capitalist class in order to bring about the complete emancipation of the working class. Yours fraternally, E. Pouget.
SOURCE
The International Socialist Review, Volume 6
-ISR of July 1905-June 1906
-ed by A.M. Simons
Charles H Kerr & Co, 1906
https://archive.org/…
ISR Aug 1905
https://archive.org/…
“The Industrial Workers of the World” by A. M. Simons, Part 2
https://archive.org/…
IMAGE
A. M. Simons
http://en.wikipedia.org/…
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Dear Readers of Hellraisers,
This year for my vacation, Hellraisers will not be as scaled back as it was for the past two vacations. This happy change is due to my new & much faster computer.
The big change that my readers will see, starting July 16th, will be the shorter length of the postings along with fewer links.
When my readers find unfamiliar names, places, or events, please use the tags along with JayRaye (in diarist section of search feature). Or just leave a question for me in the comments and I will get back to you.
When I actually leave for Minnesota, I’ll let everyone know.
Solidarity,
JayRaye
Note: Vacation has started! Until Aug 7th, I’ll be able to check in about twice a day. From Aug 8-30th, I’ll be checking in only 2 or 3 times per week. Hope everyone keeps on Raising Hell (with the corporate powers, not with each other) until my return from Minnesota.
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L’INTERNATIONALE – Marc Ogeret
C’est la lutte finale
Groupons-nous et demain
L’Internationale
Sera le genre humain.
-Eugène Pottier – Paris, June 1871
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Saturday August 19, 1905
From the International Socialist Review: The Industrial Union Convention, Part 3
Hellraisers Journal: A. M. Simons on the Industrial Workers of the World, Outlook for New Union
Saturday August 19, 1905
From the International Socialist Review: The Industrial Union Convention, Part 3
[T]he A. F. of L. has not only proved itself incapable of effectively fighting the battle of those who are included within its ranks, it has also shown that its organizing ability is inadequate, or its principles too unattractive, or its benefits too uncertain to enable it to reach whole armies of the working class who are in need of, and who are ready for organization. More significant still the A. F. of L. and its constituent unions close their door to large bodies of workers whose organization is demanded, not only in their own interest, but as a part of the whole great working-class phalanx. From all these sources the new union, can, and will, recruit its forces.
From the International Socialist Review of August 1905:
OUTLOOK FOR NEW MOVEMENT. What then, does this organization present that is new and better than what has previously existed in the industrial field. Even its enemies must admit that it has been successful in devising a plan of organization that provides for democratic management and control without in any way restricting effective centralized administration. The election of the General Executive Board by each Department separately will make impossible any such ring rule as now prevails in the A. F. of L., as it is inconceivable that a central machine could control as many separate electorates, or even a majority of them, and this granting that there would be any object in organizing a ring to capture a body so thoroughly subject to the control of the rank and file.But the most distinctive feature of this organization, even more important than the “Industrial” form from which it takes its name, is that it is organized in accordance with, and for the definite purpose of waging the class struggle. This does not mean, as some critics would have us believe, that the delegates to that convention did not know that whenever and wherever man met master in conflict over the conditions of the wage bargain, that the class-struggle was present. But with the unions affiliated with the A. F. of L. the class struggle has been waged in spite of the form of organization, and only because that struggle, like the air around them, was a part of their environment and could not be avoided. Nominally they shut their eyes to its existence and at Civic Federation banquets and mutual admiration conferences prated of the unity of interests between the master and the wage-slave. It is probably true that the first man that asked his boss for more wages was engaged in the class-struggle, in the same way that it is also true (at least physicists assure us of the fact) that every time a handful of dirt is moved the most distant stars swerve in their courses to readjust the balance of the material universe. But we are not dealing with metaphysical gymnastics. When we speak of a labor organization being founded upon the class-struggle we mean that those who formulate its principles and direct its policies are consciously so doing, and that the organization which they are directing and of which they are a part does not claim to be able to ignore that struggle.
The subject of the industrial form of organization has been so frequently discussed in these columns and in the labor press in general as to need no further elaboration. There seems to be an almost universal agreement, among socialists at least, that industrial organization is desirable, and that it is the future form under which labor must unite on the economic field. But, but, but—we are told, with all sorts of variations, the A. F. of L. is going to be transformed into an industrial organization within a few years. It is going to endorse socialism and then you will have received all that you want without any fuss or disturbance. You will have made an omelet without injuring the eggs.
First, last, foremost and hindmost, this is the sum, substance, shell and kernel of all that has appeared in the Socialist Party press in opposition to the formation of this new industrial union. To be sure this has been concealed under considerable personal abuse, some shallow ridicule, a good deal of ignorance as to what has really been done by those concerned in the new movement, and a little, just a very little, (?) downright lying about the proceedings of the convention. Let us then see what there is in this argument. What signs are there that the A. F. of L. is moving towards industrialism?
Let us have some definite evidence. It will not do to point to the U. M. W. or the Brewers that have succeeded by virtue of pure brute strength in swallowing all allied crafts, for neither of these unions look with any great favor upon the A. F. of L. or consider that it has in any way helped them in securing what industrial features they now possess. But such a swallowing process as the carpenters are anxious to practice on the wood-workers is not a step toward industrialism. Industrialism is not “benevolent assimilation” of the weaker by the stronger unions, but implies the cooperative interdependent organization of all crafts in one unified body, yet with equal protection for all trades.
But we are told of the marvelous progress that is being made toward bringing the A. F. of L. to socialism. I would be the last to deny that the “boring-from-within” tactics have not educated a vast number of the rank and file to the truths of socialism. I have seen too much of this to be blind to its existence. Nor would I want to see such work hindered for one moment. But the A. F. of L. is something almost wholly distinct from the rank and file of the membership. Indeed it is practically outside their control, and the general effect of educating any man to socialism has been to educate him out of the A. F. of L., that is out of the official Gompers machine. So far as that machine is concerned, no one dare deny that it is further from Socialism than at any time in its existence. At one time it was rather inclined to play with socialist phrases. Today, under the inspiration of scab banquets and Civic Federation oratory it declares open war on socialism.
Furthermore I believe it to be a fact of such general validity as to be almost a law of social evolution that no voluntary association, having as changeable a social base as the modern trade union can be altered in any essential manner without complete disruption. I have given considerable investigation to this particular point and have searched quite closely in the history of organizations and I have yet to find an instance where an organization was “captured” and effectively utilized for a different purpose than that which brought it together. I know that this is contrary to all popular ideas on the subject, but I believe that, as is frequently the case, the popular opinion is wrong. Certainly there is no instance of such a fundamental change in a militant fighting organization as that which would be implied in changing the A. F. of L. to the industrial form. Whoever, therefore, advocates such a change from within the A. F. of L. is pursuing a course which will certainly end in the destruction of that organization. It has been to no small degree due to such work that there is now a large body of men ready to leave the A. F. of L, and unite with the Industrial Workers of the World.
Different stages in industrial evolution in America have produced different forms of labor organizations. The National Labor Union, the Knights of Labor and the American Federation of Labor were each suited to the stage in which they appeared. Today when competition has given way to monopoly, when the trust has superseded the corporation, when Citizens’ Alliances and Employers’ Associations have united previously competing purchasers of labor power, and when the personal relation of employer and employe has been supplanted by the carefully planned, and cold-blooded, merciless class-war, the A. F. of L. is as hopelessly out of date as the stage-coach and the flint-lock musket.
Finally, the A. F. of L. has not only proved itself incapable of effectively fighting the battle of those who are included within its ranks, it has also shown that its organizing ability is inadequate, or its principles too unattractive, or its benefits too uncertain to enable it to reach whole armies of the working class who are in need of, and who are ready for organization. More significant still the A. F. of L. and its constituent unions close their door to large bodies of workers whose organization is demanded, not only in their own interest, but as a part of the whole great working-class phalanx. From all these sources the new union, can, and will, recruit its forces.
SOURCE
The International Socialist Review, Volume 6
-ISR of July 1905-June 1906
-ed by A.M. Simons
Charles H Kerr & Co, 1906
https://archive.org/…
ISR Aug 1905
https://archive.org/…
“The Industrial Workers of the World” by A. M. Simons, Part 3
https://archive.org/…
IMAGE
A. M. Simons
http://en.wikipedia.org/…
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Dear Readers of Hellraisers,
This year for my vacation, Hellraisers will not be as scaled back as it was for the past two vacations. This happy change is due to my new & much faster computer.
The big change that my readers will see, starting July 16th, will be the shorter length of the postings along with fewer links.
When my readers find unfamiliar names, places, or events, please use the tags along with JayRaye (in diarist section of search feature). Or just leave a question for me in the comments and I will get back to you.
When I actually leave for Minnesota, I’ll let everyone know.
Solidarity,
JayRaye
Note: Vacation has started! Until Aug 7th, I’ll be able to check in about twice a day. From Aug 8-30th, I’ll be checking in only 2 or 3 times per week. Hope everyone keeps on Raising Hell (with the corporate powers, not with each other) until my return from Minnesota.
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There is Power in a Union – Street Dogs
Now I long for the morning that they realise
Brutality and unjust laws can not defeat us
But who’ll defend the workers who cannot organise
When the bosses send their lackies out to cheat us?
-Billy Bragg
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Sunday August 20, 1905
From the International Socialist Review: The Industrial Union Convention, Part 4
Hellraisers Journal: The Constitution of the Industrial Workers of the World, Lays Strong Foundation
Sunday August 20, 1905
From the International Socialist Review: The Industrial Union Convention, Part 4
The constitution as adopted lays the foundation for a strong, effective, compact fighting organization.
According to Simons:
[T]he General Executive Board [is] the real governing power of the organization, next to the general membership…This board is to be composed of one member from each of the industrial departments. This board has general supervision of all matters, such as agreements between unions and employers, levying of special assessments, control of the official organ, and the calling out [on strike] of any organizations aside from those directly involved in the original struggle.
From the International Socialist Review of August 1905:
THE CONSTITUTION. The constitution as adopted lays the foundation for a strong, effective, compact fighting organization. It is too long to be given in full here, and much of it concerns matters of detail that are common to all organizations. Moreover a copy of it can be obtained by addressing the Secretary-Treasurer, Comrade William E. Trautman, 148 W. Madison St., Chicago, 111. The following summarizes its principal features and includes all that are peculiar to it.The first article provides for the division of the field into thirteen “International Industrial Departments,” with the amendment given elsewhere in this article. It also provides for the internal organization of these departments and for other general bodies.
The second article provides for the election of the President and Secretary-Treasurer by referendum of the entire membership from the three who shall be nominated for each of these offices by the general convention. This section also provides for the General Executive Board, the real governing power of the organization, next to the general membership, and defines its powers and duties. This board is to be composed of one member from each of the industrial departments. This board has general supervision of all matters, such as agreements between unions and employers, levying of special assessments, control of the official organ, and the calling out of any organizations aside from those directly involved in the original struggle.
The articles dealing with finances are as follows:
ARTICLE III. Section 1. The Revenue of the Organization shall be derived as follows: Charter fees for International Industrial Departments shall be $25.00. Charter fees for District Councils and Local Unions shall be $10.00.Sec. 2, International Industrial Departments shall pay as general dues into the treasury of the Industrial Workers of the World the rate of 8 1-3 cents per month per member; Industrial Councils shall pay a flat rate of $1.00 per month for the Organization; Local Unions shall pay 25 cents per member per month, together with such assessments as may be levied, as provided for in Art. II, Sec. 4.
Sec. 3. Individual Industrial members may be admitted to membership-at-large in the Organization as provided for in Art. I, Sec. 2 (d), on payment of $2.00 initiation fee and 50 cents per month dues, together with such assessments as may be levied by the General Executive Board as provided for in Art. II, Sec. 4, all of which shall be paid to the General Secretary-Treasurer, provided Members-at-large shall remain such so long as they are outside the jurisdiction of a Local Union subordinate to the General Organization; but on moving within the jurisdiction of a Local Union of the Industrial Workers of the World, or any of its subordinate organizations, they shall transfer their membership from the union-at-large to the Local Union in whose jurisdiction they are employed.
The initiation fee for members of Local Unions, as provided for in Art. I, Sec. 2 (c) and Art. II, Sec. 5, shall be $2.00. The monthly dues shall be 50 cents per month, together with such assessments as may be levied as provided for in Art. II, Sec. 5, provided no part of the initiation fee or dues above mentioned shall be used as a sick or death benefit, but shall be held in the treasury as a general fund to defray the legitimate expenses of the Union.
All International Industrial Unions, subordinate to the Industrial Workers of the World, shall charge for initiation fee in their respective Unions not less than $1.50 nor more than $5.00, as in their judgment the conditions will justify.
All International Industrial Departments, subordinate to the Industrial Workers of the World, shall collect from the membership of their organization a per capita tax at the rate of 25 cents per member per month, provided that no part of the above mentioned monies shall be used for sick, accident or death fund, but shall be held in the treasury of International Industrial Departments for the purpose of paying the legitimate expenses of maintaining the organizations.
ARTICLE IV. Section 1. The dues received by the General Organization shall be divided as follows: 2 1-3 cents of the 8 1-3 cents per month per member received from International Industrial Departments shall be placed into a defense fund, the remaining 6 cents to be placed into the general fund.
DEFENSE FUND AND HOW MAINTAINED.Sec. 2. Five cents of the 25 cents per member per month received from Local Unions paying directly to headquarters will be placed into the defense fund, the balance to be placed into the general fund.
Sec. 3. Individual members receiving membership cards direct from the General
Organization shall pay to headquarters 50 cents per month, all of which is to be placed into the defense fund.PAYMENT FROM DEFENSE FUND. Section 1. Whenever a strike has been duly and legally entered upon, in accordance with the provisions of this Constitution, the General Executive Board shall have power to order payments from the defense fund, for the purpose of conducting the same and supporting those involved, until such strike has been duly and legally declared off by the General Executive Board; but no payments shall be made from the defense fund as donations or contributions, or for any other purpose, except to conduct strikes or lockouts and pay benefits in cases where strikes or lockouts have been duly and legally approved by the General Executive Board.Sec. 2. Strike Pay and Rates Of. — Strike pay shall not be allowed to strikers until they have, in each separate case, been out on a legalized strike, or are being locked out, for a period exceeding seven (7) consecutive days and the strike allowance after seven consecutive days shall be stipulated and regulated by the General Executive Board and shall be paid only to those who were actually working when the strike or lockout began and who were called out, or their lockout caused by such procedures as are in conformity with the provisions of this Constitution; providing, however, that the General Executive Board may make provisions for those who were not working at the time when the conflict started. This authority may be used to a very limited extent in extraordinary cases only.
Sec. 3. Unions—When Suspended.—All Industrial Departments, Local Unions and individual members of the Industrial Workers of the World that are in arrears for dues and assessments for sixty (60) days, counting from the last day of the month for which reports and remittances are due, shall not be considered in good standing and shall not be entitled to any of the benefits or payments from any funds of this Organization.
The sixth article provides for the basis of representation at the annual convention as follows:
ARTICLE VI. Section 1. The Annual Convention of the Industrial Workers of the World shall be held on the first Monday in May of each year at such place as may be determined by previous convention.
CONVENTION.Sec. 2. Delegates to the Annual Convention shall be as hereinafter provided for. The General President, the General Secretary-Treasurer and other members of the General Executive Board shall be delegates-at-large with one vote each, but shall not be accredited delegates nor carry the vote of any union or organization.
Sec. 3. Industrial Departments shall have one delegate for the first 4,000, or less, of its members; for more than 4,000 and up to 7,000 members they shall have two delegates; for more than 7,000 and less than 20,000 members they shall have three delegates; for more than 20,000 and less than 40,000 members they shall have four delegates; for more than 40,000 members and less than 80,000 members they shall have five delegates; for more than 80,000 and less than 160,000 members they shall have six delegates, and for more than 160,000 members they shall have seven delegates.
Sec. 4. Local Unions, chartered directly by the Industrial Workers of the World, shall have one delegate for 200 members, or less, and 1 one additional delegate for each additional 200, or major fraction thereof.
Sec. 5. When two or more delegates are representing any Local Union, or International Industrial Union or Industrial Department in the Convention, the vote of their respective organization shall be equally divided between such delegates.
Sec. 6. Representation in the Convention shall be based on the National Dues paid to the General Organization for the last six months of each fiscal year and each union and organization entitled to representation in the Convention shall be entitled to one vote for its first fifty (50) of its members and one additional vote for each additional fifty (50) of its members, or major fraction thereof.
This plan, while granting added power to the larger unions in proportion to their numbers, yet so modifies this as to prevent any single organization from ruling the entire convention as does the U. M. W. in the A. F. of L. conventions at the present time.Other miscellaneous provisions of considerable importance are as follows:
Sec. 10. There must be a Universal Label for the entire Organization. All unions, departments and individual members must procure supplies, such as membership books, official buttons, labels, badges and stamps from the General Secretary-Treasurer, all of which shall be of uniform design.Sec. 11. There shall be a free interchange of cards between all organizations subordinate to the Industrial Workers of the World and any Local Union, or International Industrial Union, or Industrial Department shall accept, in lieu of initiation fee, the paid-up membership card of any recognized labor union or organization.
ARTICLE VII. Section 1. The General Executive Board, or not less than ten (10) locals in at least three (3) industries, may initiate a referendum on any subject to be submitted to the Convention.Sec. 2. A majority vote cast shall rule in the General Organization and its subordinate parts, except as otherwise provided for in this Constitution.
Sec. 3. None but actual wage workers shall be admitted as members-at-large.
Sec. 4. So soon as there are ten ( 10) Local Unions with not less than 3,000 members in any one industry, the General Executive Board shall immediately proceed to call a Convention of that industry and proceed to organize them as an International Industrial Department of the Industrial Workers of the World.
[Photograph added.]
SOURCE
The International Socialist Review, Volume 6
-ISR of July 1905-June 1906
-ed by A.M. Simons
Charles H Kerr & Co, 1906
https://archive.org/…
ISR Aug 1905
https://archive.org/…
“The Industrial Workers of the World” by A. M. Simons, Part 4
https://archive.org/…
IMAGES
A. M. Simons
http://en.wikipedia.org/…
William E Trautmann
https://books.google.com/…
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Dear Readers of Hellraisers,
This year for my vacation, Hellraisers will not be as scaled back as it was for the past two vacations. This happy change is due to my new & much faster computer.
The big change that my readers will see, starting July 16th, will be the shorter length of the postings along with fewer links.
When my readers find unfamiliar names, places, or events, please use the tags along with JayRaye (in diarist section of search feature). Or just leave a question for me in the comments and I will get back to you.
When I actually leave for Minnesota, I’ll let everyone know.
Solidarity,
JayRaye
Note: Vacation has started! Until Aug 7th, I’ll be able to check in about twice a day. From Aug 8-30th, I’ll be checking in only 2 or 3 times per week. Hope everyone keeps on Raising Hell (with the corporate powers, not with each other) until my return from Minnesota.
““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`
Solidarity Forever – Wobblies & The Nightwatchman
Is there anything left for us but to
Organize and Fight?
For the Union makes us strong.
-Ralph Chaplin
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Monday August 21, 1905
From the International Socialist Review: The Industrial Union Convention, Part 5
Hellraisers Journal: A. M. Simons on Comrade Lawyers and De Leon at the IWW Founding Convention
Monday August 21, 1905
From the International Socialist Review: The Industrial Union Convention, Part 5
There has been much discussion about what attitude the Socialist Party should take towards this new organization. I can not see that it is called upon to act officially in any manner whatever. While nearly every official of the new organization is a member of the Socialist Party not one of them, so far as I have been able to discover, wishes to involve the party in any way.
From the International Socialist Review of August 1905:
INCIDENTS OF THE CONVENTION. 
Daniel De Leon
““`Just a few general observations on the work of the convention. In the first place as to the part played by De Leon and followers. So far as the “talkfest” stage of proceedings was concerned his crowd had a decided advantage. There were about thirty of his followers from organizations whose total membership even on paper would not exceed two thousand.
The western delegates were inclined to look upon the trouble between the S. L. P. and the S. P. as partaking largely of a personal quarrel. They were not familiar with the years of falsification, intrigue and general crookedness that had marked the career of De Leon, therefore they could not understand why, when De Leon was ready to promise to cease fighting that the S. P. men should not be equally generous. As the convention progressed, however, and his true character became apparent there was a revulsion of feeling which showed itself in the vote on the executive committee.
A word of personal explanation may also be worth while, with regard to the notorious “Lawyer incident,” especially as the truth concerning the matter has not yet appeared in any publication.
Comrade Boudin, the well known contributor to the columns of the Review had spoken to me about sending in his credentials as delegate. I told him that if objection was made on the ground of being a lawyer that I should not attempt to defend him, much as I liked him personally and thoroughly as I recognized his ability. However, I was scarcely prepared for the sort of fight the DeLeonites put up. They saw an opportunity in the attempt to seat a lawyer to play the “holier than thou” act for all it was worth, and proceeded to express their horrible detestation at the very idea of seating a lawyer. When several speeches of this kind had been made I arose and spoke about as follows:
I want to show the convention something of the honesty and sincerity of those who are now raving about lawyers by informing them that the only organization on the floor of this hall that admits lawyers to its membership is the S. T. & L. A. and that the very individual whom they are now fighting was not only a member of their organization, but was for one year a member of their national executive committee. However, I agree with the general principle that this organization should not accept lawyers to membership, and shall so vote.
I therefore voted against the seating of Comrade Boudin, and DeLeon’s statement which was followed by several of the S. P. papers that I sought to have a lawyer seated is simply a falsification.Many socialist papers have attempted to show that the convention was captured by De Leon. I do not care to enter into the merits and demerits of De Leon’s activity in the convention, but the fact is there was but one test of the strength which he actually controlled and that was in the election of the two members at large for the temporary executive board. De Leon seconded the nomination of Thomas C. Powers and his supporters made special pleas for his election. When the votes were counted, however, they stood as follows. Each delegate voted for two and the two highest being elected:
John Riordan – 40,446
F. W. Cronin – 33,554
Pat O’Neill – 8,278
Powers – 7,189We would also refer our readers to the communication by Comrade Debs which appears elsewhere in this number for further information on this and other points concerning which there has been considerable reckless talk.
There has been much discussion about what attitude the Socialist Party should take towards this new organization. I can not see that it is called upon to act officially in any manner whatever. While nearly every official of the new organization is a member of the Socialist Party not one of them, so far as I have been able to discover, wishes to involve the party in any way.
If, however, those editors of socialist papers and officials of the Socialist Party who have organized unions for the purpose of getting themselves elected to national conventions and posing as trades union leaders, insist on waging a fierce war against the new organization and everybody connected with it; if an attempt is made to draw up a black list of speakers and place every one on it who does not subscribe to the A. F. of L. catechism, then it is easy to see that there will be trouble ahead.
The men connected with the industrial union movement have taken every precaution to avoid involving the party and if trouble comes it will be because of those who are so anxious to gain the favor of the A. F. of L. officials that they must heap their abuse on every one who does not kow-tow to their pure and simple god.
A. M. Simons.
[Photograph added.]
SOURCE
The International Socialist Review, Volume 6
-ISR of July 1905-June 1906
-ed by A.M. Simons
Charles H Kerr & Co, 1906
https://archive.org/…
ISR Aug 1905
https://archive.org/…
“The Industrial Workers of the World” by A. M. Simons, Part 5
https://archive.org/…IMAGE
A. M. Simons
http://en.wikipedia.org/…
Daniel De Leon
http://spartacus-educational.com/…
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Dear Readers of Hellraisers,
This year for my vacation, Hellraisers will not be as scaled back as it was for the past two vacations. This happy change is due to my new & much faster computer.
The big change that my readers will see, starting July 16th, will be the shorter length of the postings along with fewer links.
When my readers find unfamiliar names, places, or events, please use the tags along with JayRaye (in diarist section of search feature). Or just leave a question for me in the comments and I will get back to you.
When I actually leave for Minnesota, I’ll let everyone know.
Solidarity,
JayRaye
Note: Vacation has started! Until Aug 7th, I’ll be able to check in about twice a day. From Aug 8-30th, I’ll be checking in only 2 or 3 times per week. Hope everyone keeps on Raising Hell (with the corporate powers, not with each other) until my return from Minnesota.
““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““
Ain’t Done Nothing If You Ain’t Been Called A Red
And you aint done nothin if you aint been called a red
If youve marched or agitated, then youre bound to hear it said
So you might as well ignore it, or love the word instead
Cause you aint been doin nothin if you aint been called a red.
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Wednesday August 23, 1905
From the Appeal to Reason: Missouri Tour by Mother Jones Met with Enthusiasm
Hellraisers Journal: Get together & you will beat the Herzogs & help every toiler of the sweatshops.
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Wednesday August 23, 1905
From the Appeal to Reason: Missouri Tour by Mother Jones Met with Enthusiasm
“MOTHER” JONES’ TOUR. “Mother’ Jones’ tour of Missouri has evidently stirred the comrades of that neck of the woods to renewed activity. Reports coming in from the various points scintillate with enthusiasm and faith in an early victory for the principles of international socialism. At Novinger a wonderful meeting was held, and the activities of Local Secretary L. A. Wise were well rewarded; 1,500 people attended the meeting. The miners as might be expected, predominated, but bosses, ministers, mine owners and others could be seen, all anxious to hear the news of the good time coming. At Bevier a successful meeting was held in the park. Here is where Hy Thompson and his fighting band stand by the guns in good days and bad. It was a day never to be forgotten. “Mother” Jones was at her best, and fairly burned the truth into her hearers. The miners of Bevier had only worked five days in five weeks during the period of professed prosperity, and were in splendid condition to accept the plain facts handed out by “Mother” Jones.
—–At Sedalia a large delegation of the ladies of the “Labor League” met “Mother” at the depot and formed a body guard that was different from the one she had at Cripple Creek, and escorted her to a hotel instead of a bull-pen. An immense meeting was held in the courthouse. At Kansas City “Mother” spoke in Industrial Hall to a packed house. Her speech bristled with epigrams and scathing sarcasm, and was well received. It was a new gospel to many.
—–
The New York Times
of August 18th reported that Mother joins will soon be in New York:
“Mother” Jones Coming Here. “Mother” Jones, the woman organizer of the coal mining districts, will reach New York in about two weeks to address meetings in support of the candidacy of Algernon Lee, the Socialist candidate for Mayor, and Morris Brown, the Socialist candidate for President of the Board of Aldermen. She will remain for several weeks, endeavoring to make recruits for the Social Democratic Party.
Appeal to Reason
(Girard, Kansas)
-Aug 19, 1905
http://www.newspapers.com/…
The New York Times
(New York, New York)
-Aug 18, 1905
http://www.newspapers.com/…
IMAGE
Mother Mary Harris Jones, Miners Angel
http://www.biography.com/…
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This year for my vacation, Hellraisers will not be as scaled back as it was for the past two vacations. This happy change is due to my new & much faster computer.
The big change that my readers will see, starting July 16th, will be the shorter length of the postings along with fewer links.
When my readers find unfamiliar names, places, or events, please use the tags along with JayRaye (in diarist section of search feature). Or just leave a question for me in the comments and I will get back to you.
When I actually leave for Minnesota, I’ll let everyone know.
Solidarity,
JayRaye
Note: Vacation has started! Until Aug 7th, I’ll be able to check in about twice a day. From Aug 8-30th, I’ll be checking in only 2 or 3 times per week. Hope everyone keeps on Raising Hell (with the corporate powers, not with each other) until my return from Minnesota.
““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`
The Death of Mother Jones-Gene Autry
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