Hellraisers Journal – Friday February 10, 1922 Mother Jones News Round-Up for September 1921, Part III Found Speaking to Delegates at Convention of United Mine Workers
Indianapolis, Convention of the United Mine Workers of America Sixth Day, Afternoon Session, Monday September 26, 1921
“I can fight…”
Indiana Daily Times September 27, 1921
Vice-President Murray: I understand that Mother Jones has just arrived in the convention and I am going to request Brother David Fowler to escort her to the platform. It isn’t necessary that I should introduce Mother Jones to you at this time; it isn’t necessary that I should eulogize the work she has performed for the coal diggers of America, and I will simply present to the convention at this time our good friend, Mother Jones.
ADDRESS OF MOTHER JONES
Mr. Chairman and Delegates: I have been watching you from a distance, and you have been wasting a whole lot of time and money. I want you to stop it.
All along the ages, away back in the dusty past, the miners started their revolt. It didn’t come in this century, it came along in the cradle of the race when they were ground by superstition and wrong. Out of that they have moved onward and upward all the ages against all the courts, against all the guns, in every nation they have moved onward and upward to where they are today, and their effort has always been to get better homes for their children and for those who were to follow them.
I have just come up from West Virginia. I left Williamson last Friday and came into Charleston. I was doing a little business around there looking after things. We have never gotten down to the core of the trouble that exists there today. Newspapers have flashed it, magazines have contained articles, but they were by people who did not understand the background of the great struggle…..
I walked nine miles one night with John H. Walker in the New River field after we had organized an army of slaves who were afraid to call their souls their own. We didn’t dare sleep in a miner’s house; if we did the family would be thrown out in the morning and would have no place to go. We walked nine miles before we got shelter. When we began to organize we had to pay the men’s dues, they had no money.
At one time some of the organizers came down from Charleston, went up to New Hope and held a meeting. They had about fourteen people at the meeting. The next morning the conductor on the train told me the organizers went up on a train to Charleston. I told Walker to bill a meeting at New Hope for the next night and I would come up myself. He said we could not bill meetings unless the national told us to. I said: “I am the national now and I tell you to bill that meeting.” He did.
When we got to the meeting there was a handful of miners there and the general manager, clerks and all the pencil pushers they could get. I don’t know but there were a few organizers for Jesus there, too. We talked but said nothing about organizing. Later that night a knock came on the door where I was staying and a bunch of the boys were outside. They asked if I would organize them. I said I would. They told me they hadn’t any money. Walker said the national was not in favor of organizing, they wanted us only to agitate. I said: “John, I am running the business here, not the national; they are up in Indianapolis and I am in New Hope. I am going to organize those fellows and if the national finds any fault with you, put it on me—I can fight the national as well as I can the company if they are not doing right.”
[…..]
When we began organizing in 1903 the battle royal began. The companies began to enlist gunmen. I went up the Stanaford Mountain and held a meeting with the men. There wasn’t a more law-abiding body of men in America than those men were. While they were on strike the court issued an injunction forbidding them to go near the mines. They didn’t. I held a meeting that night, went away and next morning a deputy sheriff went up to arrest those men. He had a warrant for them. The boys said: “We have broken no law; we have violated no rules; you can not arrest us.” They notified him to get out of town and he went away. They sent for me and I went up. I asked why they didn’t let him arrest the men. They said they hadn’t done anything and I told them that was the reason they should have surrendered to the law.
That very night in 1903, the 25th day of February, those boys went to bed in their peaceful mining town. They had built their own school house and were sending their children to school. They were law-abiding citizens. While they slept in their peaceful homes bullets went through the walls and several of them were murdered in their beds. I went up next morning on an early train. The agent said they had trouble on Standifer [Stanaford] Mountain, that he heard going over the wires news that some people were hurt. I turned in my ticket, went out and called a couple of the boys. We went up the mountain on the next train and found those men dead in their homes, lying on mattresses wet with their blood and the bullet holes through the walls.
I want to clear this thing up, for it has never been cleared up. I saw there a picture that will forever be a disgrace to American institutions. There were men who had been working fourteen hours a day, who had broken no law, murdered in their peaceful homes. Nobody was punished for those murders.
One thing I never can forget—
that I owe my life and my liberty
to the working class of America,
and what you have accomplished for me
and my comrades you can do for yourselves.
-Big Bill Haywood
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Hellraisers Journal, Sunday March 1, 1908
Big Bill Haywood Speaks in Historic Cradle of Liberty
From the Appeal to Reason of February 29, 1908:
HAYWOOD IN FANEUIL HALL.
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Historic Cradle of Liberty Rocked Once
More by Working Class Movement
for Industrial Freedom.
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BY JOHN RYAN.
Special to the Appeal.
BOSTON, MASS., Feb. 22.-Faneuil hall, the cradle of liberty, was the scene of a historic gathering Monday night [February 17th]. It was the most impressive, enthusiastic and inspiring meeting ever held there. Patrick Henry, with words of fire, demanded constitutional rights. Wendell Phillips asked for the freedom of the negro. Haywood, in a speech logical, eloquent and so heartfelt that many wept, demanded the freedom of the wage slave. The day will come when his portrait will hang in Faneuil hall by the side of those of Patrick Henry and Wendell Phillips. Those fortunate enough to get inside seemed to realize the historical significance of it and felt they were standing in the presence of one who is as much greater than those who have gone before as his message is greater than theirs.
Patrick Mahoney, of Cigar Makers No. 97, acted as chairmen. As first speaker he introduced Joseph Spero, who did so much for the great Boston demonstration held on the Common the 5th day of last May [1907], where one hundred thousand people gathered to protest against the hanging of Moyer, Haywood and Pettibone.
You ought to be out raising hell.
This is the fighting age.
Put on your fighting clothes.
-Mother Jones
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Hellraisers Journal, Friday February 16, 1917
From Everett Labor Journal: Report on Industrial Warfare, Part II
Over a period of three weeks, from January 26th to February 9th, The Labor Journal of Everett, Washington, published the “Report on Everett’s Industrial Warfare,” by E. P. Marsh, President of the Washington State Federation of Labor, which report he had delivered on the first day of that bodies annual convention, Monday January 22, 1917. Hellraisers Journal republished Part I of that report yesterday; we offer Part II today, and we will concluded the series with Part III of the report tomorrow.
EVERETT’S INDUSTRIAL WARFARE, PART II
EVERETT’S INDUSTRIAL WARFARE;
REPORT OF PRESIDENT E. P. MARSH
Activity of the Everett Commercial Club.
I wish it were possible with a short homily to end the story here, for the sorriest part of it now begins. It is to be expected that when two men are in a fist fight, the bystander will at least keep his hands off, or, when one has been terribly beaten, insist that the fight end and the men patch up their differences. The business interests of the city were the bystanders in this struggle, but by no means “innocent.” They had every right to say to the contending parties: “You fellows have fought long enough; why don’t you quit, find out what it is all about, and see if you can’t be good friends again?”
The business interests were suffering keenly because of this struggle. The strikers [striking Shingle Weavers of Everett] were living on short rations, little money to spend for groceries, meat and shoes. The strikebreakers were being housed on mill property, fed from a commissary, spending none of their money with Everett merchants. If the Commercial Club members had a right to take a hand in the proceedings, and naturally they felt they had, for they were being hurt, it was their bounden duty to honestly investigate the truth of the statements of the contending parties, approach the whole problem in a spirit of community good, offer conciliation and mediation to both contending parties. Now notice how they went about it.
Some months previously the Commercial Club had been reorganized on the bureau plan, the various activities of the business life of the city being chartered out and turned over to various bureaus. There was an advertising bureau, a transportation bureau, etc. It became a stock concern, stock memberships being issued in blocks to employers and business houses and some distributed among employers and their employes. What a field for an industrial bureau that would have kept in touch with the human side of the city’s industries, striven for industrial peace by studying the vexatious labor problem with an eye to helping along friendly relations between employers and their men. But there was no such bureau, at least not equipped to function in the social relationship of industry. Mistake No. 1 of the Commercial Club.
Have courage and energy;
they may put us in jail,
but imprisonment is not defeat.
Yours for economic freedom,
Ada County Jail, Boise, Idaho.
-WILLIAM D. HAYWOOD.
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Hellraisers Journal, Sunday November 4, 1906
From Ada County Jail, Idaho – Big Bill Campaigns for Governor
In the latest issue of the Appeal to Reason we find messages from William D. Haywood to the people of Colorado. These messages were sent out to the Appeal by Big Bill from behind the bars of the Ada County Jail where the Socialist candidate for Governor resides awaiting trial in an attempted frame-up on a charge of having murdered the ex-Governor of Idaho. Also found was a notice announcing a meeting with Eugene Debs in Denver on Monday, November 5th, the day before the election.
Haywood Denounces Democrats
Haywood Denounces Plot of Democrats
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“No Compromise in Colorado!” is Still the Slogan Which the Socialist Candidate for Governor of Colorado Sends from His Prison Cell in Idaho to the Loyal Comrades of the Centennial State.
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Appeal to Reason, Girard, Kansas.
I have just received information to the effect that Alva Adams, democratic candidate for governor of Colorado, in his canvass is reading telegrams purporting to be from my representatives. I desire to say to the working class of Colorado that no telegram or message of any description to Alva Adams or any one of his class has been authorized by me. Moreover, no one but the state committee of the Socialist party is empowered to speak for me politically. In every conversation I have had on the subject, in everything I have written, I made it distinctly understood that there shall be NO COMPROMISE IN COLORADO. I accepted the nomination in good faith. There has been a magnificent campaign made. I stand or fall by the decision of my class-the wage-earners. Union men and women, fellow-workers, Socialists, I have never betrayed you-and, by the Almighty, I never shall. I am with you in this fight to abolish special privileges, to establish equal opportunities, to insure justice, life and liberty.
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Appeal to Reason, Girard, Kansas.
