Hellraisers Journal: Mother Jones Speaks at Convention of United Mine Workers of America, Held at Columbus, Ohio

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Quote Mother Jones, Grow Big Great Mighty Show CFnI, UMWC p269 Jan 21, 1911———-

Hellraisers Journal – Monday January 23, 1911
Columbus, Ohio – Mother Jones Speaks at Miners’ Convention

From the Washington Sunday Star of January 22, 1911:

LIE IS PASSED FREELY AT MINERS’ CONVENTION
—–
“Mother Jones” Makes Address Calling
Supreme Court Judges Real Anarchists.
———

Mother Jones crpd ed, WDC Tx p5, June 18, 1910

COLUMBUS, Ohio, January 21.-Control of the United Mine Workers’ convention came to a severe test in the contest for the seating of delegates from nine locals of district No. 2 of central Pennsylvania. Charges of falsehoods were made freely by each side and the convention finally adjourned to continue the fight Monday.

Expected contests over the seating of President Francis Feehan of the Pittsburg district did not materialize and he was seated without final objection.

“Mother” Jones spoke before the convention. She classes members of the United States Supreme Court and Gov. Harmon of Ohio among “the real anarchists of the country.”

[…..]

[Photograph and emphasis added.]

Columbus, Ohio-Convention of United Mine Workers of America
 -Saturday January 21, 1911, Fifth Day-Morning Session

Mother Jones, TLL, Cameron Co PA Prs p1 ed, Apr 7, 1910President Lewis

Mother Jones is here. A motion was unanimously adopted yesterday to invite Mother Jones to address this convention at 9 o’clock this morning. That carried with it that it would be any time to suit her convenience. I believe most, if not all, the delegates in this convention know Mother Jones and know of her work in behalf of the mine workers and the wage earners of the entire country. I take pleasure now in both introducing and presenting to you Mother Jones, who will address the convention.

Mother Jones

The time is short and I will not wear you out. I know a lot of you here want to go out and get a drink.

President Lewis-—

There is no time limit to your speech, and when we adjourn we will convene that much later after dinner.

Mother Jones

Brothers of this convention, perhaps never in the history of the mine workers was there a more important convention than this. The eyes of the world are resting today and all other days you are in session on this hall. The master class is watching your convention with keen interest. And so I say to you, be wise, be prudent in your actions. Think before you act. Don’t give the master class any weapon to strike you with and laugh about. Let us have the laugh on them.

Now, my brothers, the last year has been a trying year for organized labor all along the line. There have been some wonderful fights on the industrial field. It has not been alone the miners, it has not been alone the steel workers. For the first time, perhaps, the women in the industrial field have begun to awaken to their condition of slavery. In New York and Philadelphia the women arrayed themselves in battle, and they gave battle fearlessly. They were clubbed, they were jailed, they were insulted, but they bore it all for a principle they believed in. Never can a complete victory be won until the woman awakens to her condition. We must realize that the woman is the foundation of government; that no government is greater or ever can be greater than the woman. It was once asked of Napoleon how the French nation could become a great nation. He considered a moment and then said: “Never until you have a great motherhood. When you have that you have a great nation.”

And so it is with us in this nation. Never as long as the women are unorganized, as long as they devote their time to women’s clubs and to the ballot, and to a lot of old meow things that don’t concern us at all and have no bearing on the industrial battle, can we succeed, and the men will have to make the battle alone. But the century is here when the woman is going to take a mighty hand in these battles, and then we will fight it out and fight it to a finish. Put that down, Mr. Reporter!

Now, I want to call your attention to some things. The industrial war is on in this country. Why? Because modern machinery plays a greater part in the production of wealth in this nation than it does in any other nation of the world. The class that owns the machine owns the government, it owns the governors, it owns the courts and it owns the public officials all along the line. There may be an exception, but on the whole it is true. It certainly owns the Governor of Ohio. Put it down, Mr. Reporter, that I said so! First the Governor of Ohio brought out his dogs of war to turn them on the steel workers. That cost this State $250,000. Then he brought them out and turned them on the street car strikers and undertook to lick them into submission. I want to serve notice on the Governor of Ohio that he has never licked labor into submission and never will, and by the eternal gods we will lick him into submission before we are through!

I have not forgotten Harmon. He brought the bayonets out in ’94—not the state bayonets, but the federal bayonets, to shoot us down in Chicago. He was Attorney-General and Cleveland was President. Cleveland was off on a drunk and the other fellow had the job. I generally keep tab on what these fellows do. Well, the steel workers are not licked yet. They are going to come to the front one of these days, and when they do they will be heard from.

Now, you have a fight of the miners in Colorado. You have got to call a strike in the Southern field and lick the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company out of its boots. You cannot win in the Northern field until you take a hand in the Southern field. You could have won in Colorado at one time. You had the strike in your own hands , but you undertook to make a settlement in the Northern field and left the Southern field to fight the battle alone. Then they were able to turn their batteries. The Northern field furnished coal for the State institutions , and the result was their rotten carcasses got heated up and they could turn the bayonets on you. I am for making a fight on the whole bunch. If you don’t want to do it alone, I will go there and take a hand in it and give them hell.

When I heard those fellows talking about a dual organization here on this floor I was disgusted-it was enough to make a dog sick! Let me say to you the only real dual organization there is in the country is the Civic Federation and the gang of robbers in Wall street. That is the dual organization against labor, and I want to tell you fellows in the central field to bury your hatchet, take a day off and get your skulls to working instead of your jaws. I happened to be in the central field a long time ago, before those fellows who are blowing off hot air here were in the union—they were scabbing. I am glad you are in the union, however.

I know how a scab is made up. One time there was an old barrel up near heaven, and all of heaven got permeated with the odor. God Almighty said, “What is that stuff that smells so?” He was told it was some rotten chemical down there in a barrel and was asked what could be done with it. He said, “Spill it on a lot of bad clay and maybe you can turn out a scab.” That is what a scab is made of, and he has been rotten all down the ages.

We have a few scabs in Pennsylvania, Mr. President, and once in a while we get hold of one of them and lick him. I have licked lots of them, and I expect to lick more of them before I die.

Now, I am going to speak to you on this question of machinery, and I want to draw your attention to the fact that they have reached into China and are developing the industries there. Capitalism is in business for profit, and wherever it is going to realize the most profit out of human blood there it is going. So they have reached into China, where they can hire men for eight cents and ten cents a day. The result is we are feeling it here all along the line.

The merchants in Westmoreland county, at Greensburg, called the Council together and asked them if they would not pass an ordinance demanding that the mounted constabulary be placed in Greensburg. They wanted one placed in each hotel to take care of the hotelkeepers. They said the miners were in a terrible way and the scabs were afraid to come into town. The scabs were not a bit afraid to come into town, but the merchants were so full of greed and avarice they did not realize where they were struck. They wanted the constabulary to protect them against a handful of miners, but they never thought of calling in the constabulary to see after the Standard Oil, that has taken over eighty-four of the great department stores of this country. It is the onward march of civilization. And so it must be with us; we must centralize our forces in one great, mighty column.

If there is an organization in this land or in any other land the master classes are afraid of, if there is an organization they want to split in two, it is the United Mine Workers of America. They are putting up every sort of game to divide our forces, but they are going to get left, my friends. We may have a little housecleaning, we may have a little jawing and chewing the rag; but when the time comes we will line up and give the master class what they have been looking for. In Colorado you have sixteen men in jail. A distinguished judge, owned body and soul and brains–and he never had any too much brains-by the corporations, has put sixteen of our men in jail. Let me serve notice on the judges of this country that the day is not far distant when we will put every capitalist judge in jail and make a man out of him. That day is coming and it is not far away. Put that down, Mr. Reporter, so the judges will know it!

They take our boys and for no cause on earth put them in jail. In Greensburg they hauled them in all over the county, and gave them nothing to eat until the miners came along, put up their treasury, bailed them out and they went back again to help their brother strikers. They are trying to create a riot. Fellows will go out and say, “Why, the miners are very peaceful.” I wonder what those fellows think? We will be peaceful if they give us what belongs to us, but we will not be very peaceful while they are skinning us. We are at war, and there is no war so fierce as an industrial battle. No war on the battle field of the world’s history can equal an industrial battle.

Now, I want to speak on the strike in Westmoreland county. I did not go in there until a little late. I was engaged on the Mexican case, and had to carry it to Washington. I forced it myself without any aid from any human being. Nobody else knew anything about it. I spent nights awake and days alone. I knew if I went and secured counsel it might be bought. It was a grave and mighty question, and I knew its importance to the labor movement, so I worked it out as best I could. I got some documents from the federal prison in Arizona. The men had them stolen out to me. They were forwarded to me and I sat up at night to read them. I said to myself that the liberties of the whole American people were at stake if that thing was not brought into the public eye.

Then I went to President Taft [about the Mexican Revolutionaries imprisoned in the United States]. I did not present the documents to him, but I made statements. He said, “Mother, if you bring me some evidence in regard to this I will go over it myself. “I said, “Very well, Mr. President; that is all I can expect you to do. “Then he said, “They were not anarchists, were they?” They don’t know any more about anarchy than a dog does about his father, because the real anarchists of this country are the Supreme Court judges, the Wall street gang and the Governor of Ohio. They don’t understand the definition of anarchy. I would have told him something about anarchy, but I had a mission there and I thought I would use a little diplomacy and a little taffy. Even if he is President, he will swallow that as well as the rest of us. His eye was hurt and I said he ought not to use it any more that day. He said he had been out in his automobile and a bug got in his eye. I never get hit in the eye automobiling, because I never go riding. I said: “Mr. President, don’t see any more people today; that eye needs a rest. Before you are four years in this office you will need the use of your two eyes and your two ears.” He said, “Do you think I will, Mother?” I said, “I am sure of it.”

I didn’t hear very much from the President. I was telegraphed for to go to San Antonio, where they were arresting a lot of those men. I want to show how closely we are watched. The editor of a paper there came to me in the afternoon and said: “Mother, you had better be careful in your speech tonight. The Mexican government has filled the city with secret service men.” “I am much obliged for the information,” I said, “but I want to tell you that old Diaz, the bloody murderer, can come here himself and I will talk all I want to.” I said I was not going to be careful; that I was going to say what I pleased, and even if they hung me for it I would say it before I was hung.

We held five meetings. I went to the United States marshal to get permission to see some of the revolutionists who were in jail. The marshal and the attorney were in the marshal’s office. The marshal gave me a permit to go to the jail. While I was there they got to talking about guns. It seems they went into a little Mexican cabin and found a couple of old broken pistols you couldn’t shoot a cat with. I said: “I don’t see why you are so afraid of guns. Didn’t Washington use guns? Wasn’t the victory of this nation won with guns? Didn’t we make the Southern Confederacy come back into the Union by the use of guns?” Then I said, “If it is necessary to use guns to protect these revolutionists, we will do it.” He said, “That is right. “He came to the meetings every night, and he threw money into the collection. The secret service men got all the talk they wanted. The night I closed my meeting I told them in my speech I was going to El Paso. I said, “ I want all the dogs of war belonging to Diaz and the secret service men to come down there, because I am going to raise a row with old Diaz.”

To tell the truth I was going to the Black Hills to speak on Labor Day, but I thought I would throw them off my track. A fellow has a job on his hands to get the best of a woman, even if he is a slick sleuth of a detective. All my mail went to El Paso and I had to write there to have it forwarded to the Black Hills. When I got to Fort Worth I said to the conductor: “There is a bunch of those corporation dogs on my trail. I am going to the Black Hills, but they expect me to go to El Paso. I have only one satchel. If you will take care of it I will walk about five miles out in the country and get on the train.” He said, “All right, Mother; I will send you out in a buggy.”

Then they arrested one of the Mexicans. I went to Texas and they telegraphed me to come to New York. I carried those documents. I remembered we had two miners in Congress, and perhaps they could frame a bill on the question and bring it before the House. The bill was framed by Congressman Nichols, of Scranton, and he fought a brave battle. I want to tell you it is necessary for you to put your clear-cut men in Congress and in the Legislatures. You will not win until you do. I bring this up to impress upon your minds what can be done. The bill was brought up in the House, sent to a committee and pigeon-holed. I wrote to the different labor papers and trades councils asking them to demand of their representatives that that bill be brought out on the floor of the House, where it could be discussed. I went to Washington and the bill was brought up. The Attorney-General, Wickersham, the Wall street representative of the gang of thieves, made a slight excuse. I asked Congressman Wilson to frame a bill appropriating $25,000 to bring lawyers and witnesses there. The bill was framed.

I was sick in Cincinnati when I heard the bill was coming up for a hearing on the following Friday. I went to Washington and talked to Congressman Wilson. He had read the documents I had in my possession. The question came up to the committee. You should have been there before that committee! There were representatives of the Steel Trust, of the Southern Pacific Railway and of other interests. I sat during the hearing and took it in. Congressman Wilson called on me to give my evidence. I got up and related a little history to the committee. I said, “I do not go into the classics after language to express myself when there is a condition that forces me to pray, and it isn’t the prayer that will take me to heaven that I use.” Dalzell said, “Mother Jones , where do you live?” “I will tell you. I live wherever there is a bunch of workers fighting the robber. My home is with the workers.” He didn’t ask any more questions, but I related the whole affair.

Now , the miners of this country put up $ 4,000, and those Mexican refugees are indebted to you for being where they are today. Had we not exposed this affair they would have been arrested again the day they came out of prison. On account of the hearing and the way we exposed it they were not arrested. The morning they came out I sent $75 to each of them. That was your money. I sent $100 later. There is a little more in the treasury of the Western Federation of Miners. We placed the money there because it was nearer the seat of war. That I intend to hold. I have written the warden of the penitentiary to find out when the time of a man who is there now will expire. He has five children and they are without a mother. You have dug down into your treasury and brought out your hard earned dollars and put them up for that cause. I desire to pay my respects to Comrade Germer, who handled the money and sent it West. Those Mexicans are indebted to the miners of this country for being safe today. A revolution is on in Mexico, and if we didn’t have a revolution of our own I would be down there, because I want to send that bloody thief of a Diaz up to God Almighty in a condition that will show how big a rascal he was down here.

Now, to come back to the Irwin field [of Westmoreland County, Pennsylvania]. I didn’t go in there when I should have gone, because I was not well after the spell of sickness I had. I had been up against two governments and it was a great strain. I went to the anthracite and stayed at Charlie Gildea’s home, and Andrew Matti, Martin Flyzik and Angelo Gillotti furnished all the beer I needed until I got well. Now, as to the Irwin field. Fourteen years ago I went there with poor Pat Dolan. I think Ed McKay was with us. We pulled out Congressman Huff’s mine and the mines all along the line. I said to Pat, “You can get these fellows if we can only take care of them .” He said, “That is the trouble; the organization is not in a position to take care of them.” I left the Irwin field then and did not go back until last November. Then I surveyed the situation carefully. Now, I am not going to whitewash anything; I am going to tell the delegates to this convention the truth, because you are the men who furnished the hard-earned dollars to win that strike.

No man, no set of set of men will or ever have owned me except the working class. There is not a more important strike in the history of the Miners’ Union than the strike in the Irwin field-not one. I knew that when it started; but the whole industrial body of the miners were in a strike of their own at the time it started. They were not able to take hold of it as they should have done. They have done yeoman work in that field; they are magnificent fighters; but in all strikes there will be the grafters, there will be those who have no conscience, there will be those who sell their homes and come out and live off the organization.

I want to say to you that strike must be won; it will be won, but you have got to center your forces there, and if it takes all the money of your organization, put it there and lick hell out of those operators. Maryland depends on the Irwin field, Central Pennsylvania depends upon it, and the Pittsburg district depends upon it. If you lose the Irwin field the operators of the Pittsburg district will give it to you in the near future. There is the Connellsville field, there is Maryland and West Virginia which you must organize, because that coal comes into competition with yours, and if a fellow goes over there who is afraid to go up those mountains, send him home, put a mother hubbard on him and give him a nursing bottle. Many men have lost their lives. Many men want a job of organizing, but they never did any organizing. Put that down, Mr. President! Don’t be watching the salary. For God’s sake cut that rotten salary out of the deal. Get into the fight, every one of you, because we are up against it.

They have made a fine fight in the Irwin field, but the men were inexperienced in strikes. I saw that the minute I went in there. I wasn’t there four days until I took the whole situation in. I have been in strikes for a good many years—not alone miners’ fights, but garment workers’ and textile workers and street car men’s strikes. I knew that field could be won if we were able to center our forces there. You must stop all conflict and get down to the fight. Instead of fighting each other, turn all your batteries on the other fellow and lick him; then, if there is any fellow in our own ranks who needs a licking, let us give it to him. Let us be true to the organization; let us fight to a finish. That field must be organized, and the Southern Colorado strike must be won. You cannot win that field in the North until you do. You are wasting money. I know that field thoroughly. I was up against the guns there too many months not to understand the situation.

Now, I am talking to you miners. I am not talking to officers. I am talking to you who put up the money to fight those battles and win them. I knew the men who blazed the way. There was no pay, there was no newspaper eulogy, there were no compliments; they slept by the wayside, but they fought the battle and paved the way for this magnificent organization, and, knowing them as I did, this organization is dear to me. It has been bought with the blood of men who are scarcely known today.

Now , I want to say a few more words. I want to call your attention to that magnificent dope institution that was formed to get labor, that mutual admiration society, the Civic Federation. The biggest, grandest, most diabolical game ever played on labor was played when that was organized. The Civic Federation! It ought to be called the physic federation, because that is what it really is! I know it all! That Civic Federation is strictly a capitalistic machine. The men or women who sit down and eat and drink with them and become members of the Belmont-Carnegie cabinet are not true to labor. Tell them I said so!

I have a letter I ought to have brought with me. It is from one of the leading lawyers of the city of New York, I got it just a day before I left Greensburg. There were eight pages in the letter. I met him during the protest meeting when I was going after the judge, and he was one of the leading lawyers. He said in that letter: “Mother, I should very much regret that your work would be lost. Why don’t you tell the workingmen to pull their leaders out from the Civic Federation?” Labor never will progress; it cannot as long as they sit down and eat and drink and fill their stomachs and get their brains filled with champagne. And then Mrs. Harriman will say: “How deah! I get such an inspiration!” Inspiration from a couple of old labor scavengers! “It is so delightful to have labor and capital coming together in a brotherhood.” What do you think of such rot? The robber and the robbed, the fellow who brings the militia out to murder my class and representatives of the workingmen! Not on your life!

Let the Civic Federation stop the guns. Thirteen men have been murdered in the Irwin field. What has the Civic Federation done there? Sixteen men are in jail in Colorado. What did the Civic Federation do with Roosevelt when he sent 2,000 guns to the Governor of Colorado to blow your brains out? You have an old Mary Ann of a Governor there now. He hasn’t as much backbone as Peabody had. Make me Governor of Pennsylvania or Colorado just one month, and you will find there will be none of those fellows in jail.

That Civic Federation is a menace to the working movement. The Labor Commissioner of Colorado came to Trinidad during our strike and said: “Mother, we had a delightful time in Chicago. You know there was a banquet of the Civic Federation. It was a charming treat. It was delightful to be there. Here was a labor leader, here was a millionaire, here was a labor leader and here was a millionaire. Why, we had drinks that cost 75 cents a drink and cigars that cost 50 cents apiece! I have one here; the odor of it is beautiful.” “It ought to be,” said I , “when it is stained with the blood of men that you infernal hypocrites, scavengers, robbers and fakers have wrung out of the labor movement! They pay the bills.” You can tell old Easley, the secretary of the Civic Federation, that we know his game; that he has been hoodwinking labor, but labor is awakening. This convention must tell those who represent labor in the Civic Federation to get out of it or get out of the labor movement.

You must look after the Irwin field. I went nine miles one day to where we found a woman with a baby wrapped up in a carpet. There were six other children, cold and hungry. The organization sent them clothing. They had built houses, they have done everything that could be done, but now you must do more. You must send your forces in there. I want to say that the secretary of the Labor Temple of Pittsburg is deserving of a great deal of gratitude and appreciation from the organization. Besides doing her other work, she has tramped over that field. She did not go into the newspapers to say what she did, but her work is there. I refer to Miss Pitt, secretary of the Pittsburg Labor Temple Association. We need more women of that type to take up the work .

Now, there is a great deal more I want to say, but I know you want to go to dinner, and I know the newspaper men want to go to the office with their news. Some of you want to go out and get a drink and you wish I would shut up. I am not going to do it for a minute or two. Whatever else you do, keep the fight up in the Irwin field. I want to say to the International that it is the miners’ money that is to be spent. I know that many of you put up the assessment when your wives need it at home. I was in West Virginia with Ben Davis when he was a boy . Going down the track one day I saw a poor fellow and a little boy carrying the head of a bedstead up the mountain. I said, “Jack, for God’s sake where are you go ing with that bed?” He said he was going up there to live. “Why,” I said, “don’t you know the children will roll down the mountain and be killed?” He said: “Mother, I get this place for three dollars a month. The company keeps it off. I haven’t a dollar, and I thought maybe I could save the other three dollars I paid for the house down the river. With my assessment and dues I haven’t a penny.”

Next day I went up there. His wife was dying with consumption. The little boy of ten and the father walked in tired, worn and wet. I gave the little ones a few pennies. One little girl said she would go down to the company’s store and get some peanuts. The older girl, the little housekeeper, said: “No, Mamie, you can’t spend that; we have got to put it away to buy some things for mamma.” I could tell you stories that would take the roof off this building, but many of you know them all with out my telling.

I know it is these brave men who are digging down into their hard-earned money to pay for the strikes, to pay for this convention and for everything else, and so for their sakes see that the money is judiciously spent; see that there is an accounting for every penny, and that the man who is low enough and mean enough to take money from this organization and rent out houses and draw the rents-well, you may say he will go and scab. Let him do it, but lick him out of his boots before he does it. He is an impostor, a robber and a thief. There is no bigger rascal walking. I have some respect for Morgan-he doesn’t belong to my class; but when our own people rob us there is nothing to be said for them. What about the men in the Hocking Valley twenty- five years ago? What about the men in Illinois? What about the men who have given up their lives for the organization? Look at those unmarked graves, the graves of men who made it possible for us to be here holding a meeting in the capital city of Ohio today and discussing these mighty questions.

Today twenty-one men are to be hung in Japan-twenty-one revolutionists, twenty-one brave souls in that nation that has only come from barbarism within the last forty years. Those twenty-one brave men go to the scaffold today, my friends, for a principle in which they believe, the principle of right and justice, and I want this convention to pass resolutions and notify the Japanese consul in Washington that they will hear from us if they hang any more of those men.

Today Fred Warren goes to jail for undertaking to save the lives of the men of the Western Federation of Miners when they were behind the bars. I have a letter here I received from a gentleman who wrote me from New York. He said, “I notice in the papers today that one of the Appeal to Reason men has been tried on a charge of criminal libel.” It was a falsehood, but that is the way the capitalist papers give the news. He was tried because he sent a postcard out. He asked the postmaster several times if it was against the federal laws and the postmaster said it was not. He sent the cards out asking that Taylor of Kentucky, who murdered Goebel, be caught and taken back to Kentucky. It was no crime to hang and starve and shoot workingmen, but it was a crime to dare to do anything to defend our people. He asked me if I could get him the data of the case and a copy of the complaint. It is in this sort of thing he is going to specialize, restrictions of the freedom of speech and of the press. He said: “For years we have been fighting for that. It is the corner stone of our institutions and of all our rights that should be most sacredly guarded.” That comes from one of the great attorneys of New York who did not understand the case. I sent for a copy of the complaint and had it forwarded to him. You see how these things are going along.

In reading over the report of the President I noticed statements I want to call your attention to. He said it makes no difference to him if he is the retiring officer, he would stick to the workers anyhow, and would not sell his knowledge and experience and education the miners of the country gave him to the master class. I hope, Mr. President, you will keep your word. That is the particular part of the report I took stock in. It is unfortunate that men whom you have educated and have thrown up against the trained brains of the nation to learn how to benefit labor should give their services to the corporations of the nation. You have paid their salaries, you have paid their expenses, and I can count on my fingers over twenty men that I know have given their experience to the mine owners, to the master class, and are serving them. It is time to call a halt on this thing. You are not educating men to serve the master class. You give them office, you trust them to serve you, and when they do not do so, ostracize them as you would a mad dog. I have gone over this country and I have seen these things until I have become disgusted sometimes with the workers .

You are in the mightiest conflict of the age. Put away your prejudice, grow big and great and mighty in this conflict and you will win. There is no such thing as fail. We have got to win. You have brave fighters, both in Colorado and Pennsylvania. You have warriors there, but you must stand by them. Pay your dues, win that battle in the Irwin field, and then, my friends, turn your batteries on the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company and show them what the United Mine Workers’ organization is made of.

President Lewis

In reply to the last statement by Mother Jones, when she said she hoped I would keep my word, I have never knowingly broken my word, and I expect to be back with the next convention of the United Mine Workers, if not in an official capacity, as a delegate from the picks.

On motion a rising vote of thanks was tendered Mother Jones for her address to the convention.

[Photograph and emphasis added.]

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SOURCES

Quote Mother Jones, UMWC p269 Jan 21, 1911
https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=aRMtAQAAMAAJ&printsec=frontcover&pg=GBS.PA269

Proceedings United Mine Workers Convention
Columbus, Ohio, Jan 17 to Feb 1, 1911
https://books.google.com/books?id=aRMtAQAAMAAJ
Fifth Day-Morning Session, Sat Jan 21, 1911
https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=aRMtAQAAMAAJ&printsec=frontcover&pg=GBS.PA226
Jan 21, 1911: Mother Jones Speaks, pages 258-269
https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=aRMtAQAAMAAJ&printsec=frontcover&pg=GBS.PA258

The Sunday Star
(Washington, District of Columbia)
-Jan 22, 1911
https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn83045462/1911-01-22/ed-1/seq-1/

IMAGES
Mother Jones, WDC Tx p5, June 18, 1910
https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn84026749/1910-06-18/ed-1/seq-5/
Mother Jones, TLL, Cameron Co PA Prs p1 ed, Apr 7, 1910
https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn83032040/1910-04-07/ed-1/seq-1/

See also:

Tag: Westmoreland County Coal Strike of 1910–11
https://weneverforget.org/tag/westmoreland-county-coal-strike-of-1910-11/

Tag: Mexican Revolutionaries
https://weneverforget.org/tag/mexican-revolutionaries/

Japan High Treason Incident of 1910-1911
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/High_Treason_Incident

The Autobiography of Mother Jones
CH Kerr, 1925
-for more on events and subjects mentioned in speech.
-Note: Mother’s opinion of NCF did not change with age, see Chapter 27
https://archive.iww.org/history/library/MotherJones/autobiography/27/

In those days labor’s representatives did not sit on velvet chairs in conference with labor’s oppressors; they did not dine in fashionable hotels with the representatives of the top capitalists, such as the Civic Federation. They did not ride in Pullmans nor make trips to Europe.

[Emphasis added.]

1911 UMWA Convention Proceedings:
Jan 31, 1911
John Mitchell forced to withdraw from National Civic Federation
in order to maintain membership in UMWA-he no longer held office in UMW, but was still a member.
(search: “national civic federation” “john mitchell”
& see pages 524-536, 543, 749)
https://books.google.com/books?id=aRMtAQAAMAAJ
page 748-9, Telegram from John Mitchell
https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=aRMtAQAAMAAJ&hl=en&pg=GBS.PA748

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The Union Forever – Colorado Strike Song
-από το μουσικό σχήμα «Ρωμιοσύνη»