Hellraisers Journal: Whereabouts and Doings of Mother Jones for August 1902, Part II: Judge Jackson, “Poor Old Man With Old Ideas,” and a Poem by O. L. Ford

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Quote re Mother Jones, OL Ford, Typo Jr p86, July 15, 1902—————

Hellraisers Journal – Wednesday September 10, 1902
Mother Jones News Round-Up for August 1902, Part II

Mother Jones Describes Judge Jackson; “Mother Jones” by O. L. Ford

From The Scranton Times of August 8, 1902:

POOR OLD MAN WITH OLD IDEAS
———-

SO “MOTHER” JONES SPEAKS WHEN REFERRING
TO JUDGE JACKSON, OF WEST VIRGINIA.
———-

HE MEANS ALRIGHT BUT HE’S
OLD FASHIONED
———-

The Distinguished Woman Arrived in the City at Noon Today to Address a Meeting in North Scranton-Will Leave for West Virginia Tomorrow, Where She is Positive Miners Will Score a Victory.

Mother Jones, Coal Miners, Cnc Pst p6, July 23, 1902

“Mother” Jones, probably the second strongest force in the United Mine Workers’ organisation, arrived in the city at noon today. “Mother” Jones came from West Virginia, where she has been a conspicuous figure in the labor troubles in that state. This afternoon she is making an address to a mass meeting of strikers in St. Mary’a hall, North Scranton.

John Fallon, of Wilkes-Barre, a member of the executive board of the Miners’ union, accompanied “Mother” Jones. He was also one of the speakers at the North End meeting this afternoon.

When seen at the Delaware & Hudson depot by a Times reporter “Mother” Jones expressed herself as greatly pleased to be in Scranton again. During the past sixteen months she has been working among the miners of West Virginia.

“Mother” Jones will return to West Virginia.

[She said in this interview:]

We have not given up the fight there. The majority of the residents of West Virginia never really knew what a laboring man’s organization was, and now we are attempting to enlighten them.

I am sure we will win out there. It cannot be denied that we have a very formidable obstacle in our path as regards the weapon the capitalists have found in the courts-injunction proceedings-but we have the grit and the determination, and we will win. They are good fighters in West Virginia, that is, the laboring men there are.

“Mother” Jones was asked what she thought of Judge Jackson, the West Virginia jurist who sentenced a number of miners to a lengthy period in jail.

[Said Mother Jones:]

Oh, Judge Jackson means all right. He is an old man, however, and he has old ideas. He never knew what a laboring organization was, and when he sentenced these men his old-fashioned ideas prevented him from viewing the matter in a just manner. As I said in Indianapolis, he means well, but the poor man has been asleep for 40 years. Some day he will awake.

“Mother” Jones called attention to the important admission made by a prosecuting attorney in one of the West Virginia courts. “We have had the militia and the iron and coal police here,” said this man in arguing an injunction proceeding, “but injunctions have proven to be the strongest aid to the coal operators.”

District President Nichols met “Mother” Jones and Board Member Fallon at the depot and accompanied her to her hotel.

[Photograph added.]

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: Whereabouts and Doings of Mother Jones for August 1902, Part II: Judge Jackson, “Poor Old Man With Old Ideas,” and a Poem by O. L. Ford”

Hellraisers Journal: Whereabouts and Doings of Mother Jones for August 1902, Part I: Embodies Spirit of Revolt; UMWA Surrounded by Injunctions in West Virginia

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Quote Mother Jones, God s Cause, Scranton Tb p1, Aug 7, 1902—————

Hellraisers Journal – Tuesday September 9, 1902
Mother Jones News Round-Up for August 1902, Part I

Embodies Spirit of Revolt; Surrounded by Injunctions in West Virginia

From The Socialist Spirit of August 1902:

“MOTHER” JONES

BY WILLIAM MAILLY

“Mother” Jones has been compared to Joan of Arc, but she is more than that.

The French maid derived her inspiration from the mystical creations of a brain inflamed by religious ecstasy. She was the slave of her own imagination. She fought for the “divine right of kings,” dying a victorious sacrifice to a cause which, dominant in her day, will soon cease to disfigure the world. Her rightful place as the fanatical representative of medieval mummery has already been assigned her.

But “Mother” Jones absorbs inspiration from living men and women; their hopes and fears, their scant joys and abundant sorrows, are hers also to laugh with and to weep over. She deals with things that are, to fashion the better things that will be. And her cause is the one that will release mankind from material subserviency and mental obliquity, to finally rejuvenate and glorify the world.

In this only are they alike: John of Arc was peculiarly the product of the material conditions of her time, just as “Mother” Jones is of the conditions existing to-day. Each would have been impossible at any other period. As Joan of Arc typified the superstition and mental darkness of the people who hailed and followed her as one gifted with supernatural power, so “Mother” Jones is the embodiment of the new spiritual concept and clearer mentality characteristic of the awakening working class of our day. She is the incarnation of the spirit of revolt against modern industrial conditions—the spirit which finds fullest expression in the world-wide Socialist movement.

For “Mother” Jones is, above and beyond all, one of the working class. She is flesh of their flesh, blood of their blood. She comes of them, has lived their lives, and, if necessary, would die to make their lives happier and better. She loves the workers with a passionate love stronger than the love of life itself. Her advent marks the stage of their progress towards emancipation.

[…..]

[Everyone Knew Her]

Recently I traversed the territory where “Mother” had worked for several months organizing. To say her name is a household word is to use a hackneyed phrase for want of a stronger one to express it. Everyone knew her, from the smallest child to the oldest inhabitant. And all blessed her-except the mine-owners and their sympathizers whose hatred she is gratified to enjoy. There were places she entered three years ago where the women-wives of miners-refused to speak to or recognize her. Now her picture occupies a prominent place on the walls of their homes. Nothing could demonstrate more clearly her ability to overcome prejudice and make the workers her friends and confidants, and something more than mere blind followers or stupid worshipers. She represents the cause made up of the tangible realities which compose their daily lives.

[…..]

[Knows of Personal Suffering]

“Mother” has had full share of personal suffering. Coming early in life, with her parents, to Canada, she married, but lost her husband and four children in the yellow fever epidemic in Memphis several years afterwards. Thrown upon her own resources, she taught school for a while, and in pursuit of that vocation journeyed West. In San Francisco she gained her first experience in labor agitation by participating in the movement against Chinese cheap labor, in which Denis Kearney became famous. Then she joined the Knights of Labor, and from that time her activity has never ceased.

[…..]

[Organizing in West Virginia]

It is here where “Mother” has encountered more dangers than in all her experience, for the state has been heretofore entirely under control of the capitalists, and the entrance of agitators has been opposed in every shape and manner. It was for this very reason that “Mother” went there. She has been able to do what no man or any number of men could accomplish, even had they wanted to. The present strike of 20,000 men, after years of abject slavery, is the direct result of her work. Injunction after injunction has been issued against her, but she has gone right on. As I write this the news comes that, after awaiting sentence for several days, following upon being found guilty of contempt of court for violating one of these injunctions, the same judge has dismissed her with a reprimand. In this he showed more wisdom than such as he are usually credited with, but the effectiveness of the reprimand is doubted.

It remained for President John Mitchell to recognize the value of this woman’s great ability and provide the opportunity to put it to full account. Through him she has been a national organizer of the United Mine Workers for the past three years, and her work has more than justified his action. It is conceded and acknowledged by all that she has done more than anyone else to solidify the miners into a strong national organization. She has infected the whole mining industry with her enthusiasm and by her socialist teaching she has turned the thoughts of thousands of workers towards the greater mission in store for them. In view of this it is easy to understand why every one of the thousand delegates to the national convention just adjourned, wept when they bade farewell to her upon her departure to West Virginia to receive sentence from a capitalist court.

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: Whereabouts and Doings of Mother Jones for August 1902, Part I: Embodies Spirit of Revolt; UMWA Surrounded by Injunctions in West Virginia”

Hellraisers Journal: Mother Jones and Harold Houston Speak at Great Mass Meeting of Miners at Charleston, W. V.

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Quote Mother Jones, Howling Anarchy, Cton WV, Sept 6, 1912—————

Hellraisers Journal – Sunday September 8, 1912
Charleston, West Virginia – Mother Jones and Harold Houston Speak

September 6, 1912, Charleston, West Virginia
-Speech of Mother Jones at Mass Meeting Held in Courthouse Square:

[Operators Get a Hearing, Miners Don’t]

HdLn Mother Jones Spks Cton WV Sept 6, Wlg Int p1, Sept 7, 1912
Wheeling Intelligencer
September 7, 1912

This great gathering that is here tonight signals there is a disease in the State that must be wiped out. The people have suffered from that disease patiently; they have borne insults, oppression, outrages; they appealed to their chief executive, they appealed to the courts, they appealed to the attorney general, and in every case they were turned down. They were ignored. The people must not be listened to, the corporations must get a hearing.

When we were on the Capitol grounds the last time you came here, you had a petition to the Governor for a peaceful remedy and solution of this condition. The mine owners, the bankers, the plunderers of the State went in on the side door and got a hearing, and you didn’t. (Loud applause.)

Now, then, they offer to get a commission, suggested by the mine owners. The miners submitted a list of names to be selected from, and the mine owners said, “We will have no commission.” Then when they found out that Congress, the Federal Government was going to come down and examine your damnable peonage system, then they were ready for the commission. (Applause.)

Then they got together—the cunning brains of the operators got together. What kind of a commission have they got? A bishop, a sky pilot working for Jesus; a lawyer, and a member of the State Militia, from Fayette City. In the name of God, what do any of those men know about your troubles up on Cabin Creek, and Paint Creek? Do you see the direct insult offered by your officials to your intelligence? They look upon you as a lot of enemies instead of those who do the work. If they wanted to be fair they would have selected three miners, three operators and two citizens. (Cries of: “Right, right.”) And would have said, “Now, go to work and bring in an impartial decision.” But they went up on Cabin Creek-I wouldn’t have made those fellows walk in the water, but they made me. Because they knew I have something to tell you, and all Hell and all the governors on the earth couldn’t keep me from telling it. (Loud applause.)

I want to put it up to the citizens, up to every honest man in this audience-let me ask you here, have your public officials any thought for the citizens of this State, or their condition?

(Cries of: “No, no, no.”)

Now, then, go with me up those creeks, and see the blood-hounds of the mine owners, approved of by your public officials. See them insulting women, see them coming up the track. I went up there and they followed me like hounds. But some day I will follow them. When I see them go to Hell, I will get the coal and pile it up on them. (Loud applause.)

I look at the little children born under such a horrible condition. I look at the little children that were thrown out here.

(At this moment an automobile came down Kanawha Street and turned around and went back, but in turning made considerable noise which attracted some attention and interrupted the speaker, who said, “Don’t bother about that automobile.”)

[“Howling Anarchy”]

Now then, let me ask you. When the miners-a miner that they have robbed him of one leg in the mines and never paid him a penny for it–when he entered a protest, they went into his house not quite a week ago, and threw out his whole earthly belongings, and he and his wife and six children slept on the roadside all night. Now, you can’t contradict that. Suppose we had taken a mine owner and his wife and children and threw them out on the road and made them sleep all night, the papers would be howling “anarchy.”

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: Mother Jones and Harold Houston Speak at Great Mass Meeting of Miners at Charleston, W. V.”

Hellraisers Journal: From the International Socialist Review: The Land Renters Union in Texas by T. A. Hickey, Part II

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Quote Robert Blatchford, Merrie England p149 150, Commonwealth 1895—————

Hellraisers Journal – Saturday September 7, 1912
“The Land Renters Union in Texas” by T. A. Hickey, Part II

From the International Socialist Review of September 1912:

THE LAND RENTERS UNION IN TEXAS

BY T. A. HICKEY

[Part II of II]

Tenantry Inevitable.

Texas Land Renters Union 2, ISR 241, Sept 1912

In the face of the conditions just sketched it was inevitable that Texas, in spite of her enormous area of free land, should soon find tenantry developing. In 1870 five per cent of the men who tilled the soil in Texas were renters. In 1900 50 per cent were renters, while in 1910 71 per cent is operated by renters, while in the richest black land counties, such as Bell and Falls, 82 per cent of the land is operated by renters. In connection with this I may say that I have had some discussions with some of our socialist statisticians who claimed that the figures were somewhat less than I have given, but they overlooked the important fact, however, that the average renter needs from 80 to 160 acres, according to his family, to make a living, and that there are 29,118 farmers who own less than nineteen acres, a large proportion of whom are compelled to become renters so that they may live, and this is also true of the 98,363 farmers who own from twenty to forty-nine acres, hence my figures are conservative.

Increasing Rentals.

These renters of Texas, for two generations, have been accustomed to pay the landlord the traditional third and fourth, which means that of every three bushels of corn and grain that they produce, the landlord takes one; of every four bales of cotton the tenant produces, the landlord takes one. To the intense disgust of the renter, this third and fourth system is passing away. The landlords have commenced to demand a third all round, which means that the tenant must give up one bale out of every three instead of one out of every four.

Then the landlords commenced to demand of the tenant $1 an acre bonus, and some landlords have demanded as high as $2 and $3 an acre bonus as well as the third and fourth. The putting through of these reductions in the renter’s income produced a storm of discontent and was the main factor that led to the organization of the Renters’ Union, and inasmuch as the economic laws of capitalism will not permit of a reduction in these burdens now being piled upon the renters, it is inevitable that the Renters’ Union shall grow until it it the largest union in the United States.

I will now sketch the reasons why the landlords will not and cannot reduce these burdens.

Within the past fifteen years there has been a steady flow of capital to Texas. It was mostly brought to the state by wealthy farmers of Iowa, Nebraska, Missouri, Ohio and Illinois, who had sold out their lands at an enormous increase over what their fathers had secured them for. They believed they could come to Texas, buy lands at a “reasonable” price and trust to the growth of the state to enable them to secure large piles of unearned increment. They found, however, that the gentleman already on the ground was able to maintain the price of land at a very high figure, largely because of the fact that the public domain had disappeared and all hands were inclined to hold the land which, unlike other things, is a fixed quantity.

Thus it happens that land that in the 70’s sold for $2 per acre jumped to $40, $50, $100 and even higher. I was on one section of black land in Bell county near the town of Rogers last year that had just been sold to a Northern man for $150 an acre. The renters who worked this land when it was selling at $50 an acre paid a third and fourth and the landlord was satisfied with receiving a good return upon his investment, but when this land went to $150 an acre the new purchaser found that after meeting the fixed charges he could not secure 2 per cent on his investment, hence he was compelled, in order to receive what he considered an adequate return, to demand, as well as the third and fourth, $3 an acre bonus.

On the poorer lands, where production is not half what it is in the rich black land, a corresponding condition obtains, but the land being cheaper in price causes the landlord to ask a smaller bonus than in the black land belt. In either case the renter finds himself in the same position as the city wage earner. That is, he just receives enough to keep body and soul together and enable him to prepare for the next day’s toil.

Land Speculators in Clover.

The second reason for the inevitable growth of the Renters’ Union is found in the fact that, owing to the antiquated constitution under which the State of Texas is being ruled and that was drafted originally in the interests of the landlords, it is impossible to place an adequate tax upon idle land that is held out of cultivation for speculative purposes. The constitution provides that land shall not be taxed more than 35 cents on the $100, and the actual tax is considerably less than half of that sum.

Hence the million-acre land owners pay this petty tax on the millions of acres of land that they have fenced in and lie back in silent satisfaction as they watch the population growing by the natural growth within the state and the immense immigration from without. To give my readers an idea of the blighting effect upon the renter that results from this policy I will quote from an article published in the Chicago Tribune some months ago that was written by the present governor of Texas, 0. B. Colquitt. He said:

“There are 146,000,000 acres of land in Texas that has never felt the caressing touch of the plow; 46,000,000 acres of this land is of a mountainous and arid character, but there is 100,000,000 acres of fine arable land that has never been tilled.” The governor goes on to say. “All the public domain has gone. All of this land is now fenced in, in private hands.

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: From the International Socialist Review: The Land Renters Union in Texas by T. A. Hickey, Part II”

Hellraisers Journal: From the International Socialist Review: The Land Renters Union in Texas by T. A. Hickey, Part I

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Quote Robert Blatchford, Merrie England p149 150, Commonwealth 1895—————

Hellraisers Journal – Friday September 6, 1912
“The Land Renters Union in Texas” by T. A. Hickey, Part I

From the International Socialist Review of September 1912:

Texas Land Renters Union 1, ISR 239, Sept 192

[Part I of II]

TO UNDERSTAND the renters union situation it is necessary to know the immense amphitheater upon which the tragedy of their lives is staged. Texas is the largest state in the Union in area. Between El Paso and Texarkana, a distance greater than from Boston to Milwaukee, and from the Gulf of Mexico to the Panhandle, there lies 212,000 square miles. This is an area as large as Germany, with 55,000 square miles to spare and 57,000 square miles larger than France. It is sixth in population amongst states, containing 4,000,000 people. Less than five per cent of the population is foreign, thus making it the most American of all the states. The factory system is practically unknown, sixty-five per cent of the people living in small towns, villages, cross-road settlements and farms. More cotton is raised in Texas than in any other geographical division in the world, including the valley of the Nile. The enormous production of this great staple makes Texas the greatest agricultural state in the Union, for cotton still is king.

The people of Texas have never been noted for conservative methods. By tradition and training they are cast in a revolutionary mould. When the great cities of New England, New York and the middle west saw their proletariat bound to the chariot wheels of capitalism without much thought of protest, the Texas worker, the much despised one-gallus fellow at the forks of the creek, was striking fearlessly though blindly at his oppressors.

And thus it has come to pass that the Greenback party, the Union Labor party, the Populist party, the Farmers’ Alliance, the Grange, the Wheel and the Farmers’ Union have in the past reached their highest development in the Lone Star State.

Agricultural Evolution Plain Here.

In no place in the world can the trend of capitalism along the lines of agriculture be observed at first hand as it can in Texas. The great steam plows and mechanical cotton pickers on bonanza farms can be observed side by side with primitive methods of agriculture, that Potiphar’s men might have used in Egypt.

Of still greater benefit to the student of economic development is the fact that this tremendous area has been taken over, within the lives of men now living, by a few great capitalists who possess greater landed possessions than any landlord in Europe ever dreamed of.

I have ridden in buggies over dozens of Texas counties when on a schoolhouse campaign and have had pointed out to me by my driver the great cattle trails over which the cowboys drove their mighty herds to Kansas. The cowboy now is as extinct as the dodo so far as the open country is concerned, and a large number of the survivors are now washing dishes in Chinese restaurants in Fort Worth.

The trail is obliterated, the land is fenced in and the locomotive engineer has taken the place of the cowboy. It is of this fenced-in land that I would write, because, with the coming of the barbed wire the gaunt specter of tenantry raised its head in Texas.

Renters Unknown in 1860.

In 1860 land renters were unknown in Texas. Land could be secured literally for a song. This in spite of the gigantic land frauds that had been going on for years, particulars of which can be found in the chapters on Land Frauds in Texas in Myers’s great work, The History of the United States Supreme Court.

A story is told with much relish in Texas that vividly illustrates how easily land was secured at that time. A cattleman rode across the Concho River in ’60, dropped off his horse at a tent saloon and found himself unable to pour out his liquor because he was shaking all over with laughter.

“What are you laughing at, Mr. Brown?” inquired the bartender. Said Brown: “I met a durned fool across the line in Coke county this morning. I swapped him a section of land for a calf. The durned fool couldn’t read and I’ll be dad gassed if I din’t work off two sections on him.” From this true tale it can be seen that landlordism did not menace the people when the guns roared out at Fort Sumter.

Enormous Land Holdings.

After the war renting commenced. The lines had commenced to tighten even while the armies were battling at the front. Cattle companies fenced in multiplied thousands of acres. The legislature gave away to individuals and corporations many millions of acres. Their gifts to railroads alone amounted to thirty-six and one-half millions of acres, and by the runover system the railroads come into possession of several million acres more. Three million acres was given for the building of the state capitol, which was a scab job. As a result of the wholesale gifts to sharpers the public domain dwindled and enormous land holdings became the order of the day.

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: From the International Socialist Review: The Land Renters Union in Texas by T. A. Hickey, Part I”

Hellraisers Journal: Martial Law Declared in Paint Creek-Cabin Creek Strike District of West Virginia; Militia Collects Weapons

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Quote Mother Jones, UMW Strong, Speech Charleston WV Levee, Aug 1, 1912—————

Hellraisers Journal – Thursday September 5, 1912
Martial Law Declared in Paint Creek-Cabin Creek Strike Zone

From The Wheeling Intelligencer of September 4, 1912:

HdLn WV Martial Law Declared, Wlg Int p1, Sept 4, 1912

Special Dispatch to the Intelligencer.

CHARLESTON, W. Va., September 3.-With more than 200,000 rounds of ammunition, seven modern Colts’ machine guns, fifteen hundred rifles of various kinds, from the highest priced and most modern make, down to the ordinary 22-caliber and bushels of revolvers, that is the term used by the militia authorities in answering the question as to the number of concealed weapons they now have-is the sum total of artillery the state captured during the first twelve hours of martial law in the Paint and Cabin Creek section of Kanawha county and of the Kanawha coal district.

Promptly at 6 o’clock this morning the proclamation went into effect. The nine companies of state militia with every available officer was scattered through the district and promptly at the hour fixed swooped down on store and cabin, operators residence and fortifications constructed by the coal operators and took possession of all firearms and other dangerous weapons. In no instance today was it necessary to arrest in order to secure weapons. That the miners and any of the mine guards had an idea that martial law was coming and got beyond the reach of the militia is definitely known.

Attack a Surprise.

This district is mountainous, making it possible for great numbers of men to conceal themselves and then attempt to escape under cover. While some may be successful the militia has stretched out along the boundary line to guard against just such a condition. The territory embraced in the proclamation is about twenty miles in length and from seven to twelve miles wide and contains at the present time about 18,000 or 20,000 people. Under the West Virginia law the rules and regulations of the regular army control in case of martial law is:

“A court-martial and a military commission have been appointed which may try offenses committed by either soldiers or citizens in the territory under martial law,” said Governor Glasscock today.

“For this duty I have selected men in whom I have the highest confidence because their power is almost ultimate and they may impose such punishment, including death, as they deem proper in the exigencies of the occasion.” 

[…..]

[Emphasis added.]

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: Martial Law Declared in Paint Creek-Cabin Creek Strike District of West Virginia; Militia Collects Weapons”

Hellraisers Journal: From The North American Review: “The Miners and the Law of Treason” by James G. Randall, Part II

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Quote Fred Mooney, Mingo Co Gunthugs, UMWJ p15, Dec 1, 1920—————

Hellraisers Journal – Monday September 4, 1922
Charles Town, West Virginia – Miners on Trial for Treason Against the State, Part II

From The North American Review of September 1922:

THE MINERS AND THE LAW OF TREASON

BY JAMES G. RANDALL

[Part II of II]

Billy Blizzard and Family, Lt Dg p14, June 17, 1922

Turning to the case of the miners, we find that the offense for which they (or rather a selected number of them) are held is treason against the State of West Virginia. In the Constitution of the State of West Virginia there is the following provision:

Treason against the State shall consist only in levying war against it, or in adhering to its enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court. Treason shall be punished, according to the character of the acts committed, by the infliction of one or more of the penalties of death, imprisonment or fine, as may be prescribed by law.

It will be noticed that the provisions in the West Virginia Constitution resemble those of the Federal Constitution in the definition of the offense and the requirements as to evidence sustaining the overt act, but that the State Constitution goes farther than that of the United States in that it specifies the general nature of the punishment. An examination of the West Virginia code shows that the punishment, as further defined by the Legislature, shall be death, or, at the discretion of the jury, confinement in the penitentiary not less than three nor more than ten years and confiscation of the real and personal estate. Withholding knowledge of treason, attempting to justify armed insurrection by written or printed words, or engaging in an unlawful assemblage, are punishable by lesser penalties, thus indicating that these offenses are regarded as distinct from treason itself. As to what constitutes “levying war” against the State, this is largely a matter for interpretation by the court, and it appears that Judge Woods has made considerable use of Federal as well as State decisions in determining his rulings.

The acts for which the miners are on trial took place in connection with the serious outbreak of August, 1921. As a climax of years of growing hostility, during which the United Mine Workers had made repeated efforts to unionize the mine fields of Logan and Mingo counties, several hundred men assembled on August 20 at Marmet, West Virginia, with the intention of making some kind of demonstration or attack, the exact purpose of which is disputed. An important feature of the case is that the Governor had previously proclaimed martial law in Mingo County, and had sent State troops into that county to preserve order. It is the contention of the prosecution that the acts of the miners constituted a defiance of this martial law, and an intention to resist the troops.

An appeal by “Mother Jones”, a well-known leader among the miners, failed to disperse them, and the armed force, picturesquely uniformed in blue overalls and red bandanna handkerchiefs, proceeded on their march. The first violence occurred at Sharples in Boone County, where a small force of State police was resisted by the miners while seeking to serve warrants upon men wanted by the Logan County authorities. Several miners were killed and from this time the march assumed much more alarming proportions. By the time the Boone-Logan county line was reached the invaders numbered about eight thousand. Don Chafin, sheriff of Logan County, raised a defending force of approximately two thousand which he commanded until, after some delay, Governor Morgan commissioned Colonel Eubanks to take charge with State troops. For over a week the opposing “armies” confronted each other over an extended mountainous battle-front in the neighborhood of Blair, and there was considerable detached fighting. On the defending side three deputy sheriffs were killed, and it was for their deaths that the indictments for murder were drawn. Probably more than twenty of the invaders lost their lives.

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: From The North American Review: “The Miners and the Law of Treason” by James G. Randall, Part II”

Hellraisers Journal: From The North American Review: “The Miners and the Law of Treason” by James G. Randall, Part I

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Quote Fred Mooney, Mingo Co Gunthugs, UMWJ p15, Dec 1, 1920—————

Hellraisers Journal – Sunday September 3, 1922
Charles Town, West Virginia – Miners on Trial for Treason Against the State, Part I

From The North American Review of September 1922:

THE MINERS AND THE LAW OF TREASON

BY JAMES G. RANDALL

[Part I of II]

Battle of Blair Mt, WV Today by Bushnell, Guards, Gunthugs, Spies, UMWJ p5, Sept 15, 1921

Once again the quiet village of Charles Town, West Virginia, in the historic Shenandoah valley, has furnished the setting for a memorable State trial. As in 1859, when John Brown went to the gallows for a traitorous assault which was misconceived as a stroke for Abolition, so in the present year the eyes of the nation have been focused upon this same little county seat while hundreds of miners have faced trial on indictments for murder and treason in connection with the “insurrection” of August, 1921. Twenty-four of the miners who were associated with the armed march of several thousand men directed against the coal fields of Logan and Mingo counties have been charged with the grave offense of “treason”, and it is with this phase of the question that the present article proposes to deal. Many circumstances unite to make the trials notable. The long continued efforts of the United Mine Workers to unionize the West Virginia fields, the elaborate litigation which included several federal injunction suits, the huge scale as well as the gravity of the indictments, the intensity of the industrial disputes involved, and the challenge to the State authorities to uphold elemental social order and yet deal fairly with both sides in an unusually bitter struggle-all these factors lift the case above the level of an ordinary criminal proceeding. Without attempting, however, to discuss the industrial phases of the “miners’ war”, the writer proposes to view the cases from a restricted angle and to consider their relation to the history of treason in our legal system.

Though the charge against the miners is the rara avis of treason against a State, the analogy of this crime with treason against the United States is very close, and it may therefore be useful to recall some of the outstanding points in the history of national treason. Treason is the only crime which the Federal Constitution undertakes to define. It consists “only in levying war against the United States or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort”. To prove treason, the commission of an overt act must be established by at least two witnesses, unless there is a confession in open court. Congress has no authority to fix the nature of the crime, and can neither enlarge nor restrict the offense beyond the constitutional definition. Congress may, however, fix the punishment, and among the acts passed by the first Congress ever assembled under the Constitution was the Treason Law of 1790, which established the penalty of death for this highest of crimes.

In the course of time a well recognized body of principles has grown up around the law of treason. Thus it is recognized that “constructive treason” has no place in our legal system. There must be an actual levying of war. A mere plotting, gathering of arms, or assemblage of men is not treason, in case no overt act is committed. The “levying war”, however, has been rather broadly defined by our courts. Besides formal or declared war, it includes an insurrection or combination which forcibly opposes the Government or resists the execution of its laws. Engaging in an insurrection to prevent the execution of a law is treason, because this act amounts to levying war. The mere uttering of words of treasonable import does not constitute the crime, nor is mere sympathy with the enemy sufficient to warrant conviction.

Treason differs from other crimes in that there are no accessories. All are principals, including those whose acts would, in the case of felonies, make them accessories. Those who take part in the conspiracy which culminates in treason are principals, even though absent when the overt act is committed.

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: From The North American Review: “The Miners and the Law of Treason” by James G. Randall, Part I”

Hellraisers Journal: From the International Socialist Review: “The Walker”-Written in Essex County Jail by Arturo Giovannitti

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Quote Giovannitti, The Walker, Rest My Brother—————

Hellraisers Journal – Monday September 2, 1912
“The Walker” by Arturo Giovannitti, Written in His Jail Cell, Lawrence, Mass.

From the International Socialist Review of September 1912:

ISR Sept 1912 p201

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: From the International Socialist Review: “The Walker”-Written in Essex County Jail by Arturo Giovannitti”

Hellraisers Journal: From the Duluth Labor World: “Gene Debs Defines Labor Leaders Duty”-Do Not Vote for Enemy of Workers

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Quote EVD, Socialist Ripe Trade Unionist, WLUC p45, May 31, 1902—————

Hellraisers Journal – Monday September 1, 1902
Comrade Eugene Debs on Class Consciousness and the Ballot

From the Duluth Labor World of August 30, 1902:

GENE DEBS DEFINES LABOR LEADERS DUTY
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EVD, LW p1, Aug 30, 1902

The time is near at hand when a member of a union will be expelled just as promptly for casting a scab ballot, that is to say for supporting the party of the enemy of labor, as if he took the place of a member while out on strike. Indeed, there may be some justification for the latter, but there can be none for the former act of treason, except alone that of ignorance. And thus it is the duty of the true leader to use his best efforts to overcome, so that the workers on all occasions, economically, politically, and otherwise, can use their entire organized class power in resisting the capitalist system, and in charging it at every point until finally it is overcome and the world’s workers stand forth free men.

The action taken by the three national conventions of labor organizations recently held at Denver [W. F. M., A. L. U. and United Association of Hotel and Restaurant Employes] in adopting a working class political program, has created widespread interest in every part of the country. The reactionary element predict for the new policy speedy and complete failure. So certain are they of this that they do not hesitate to misrepresent the action of the conventions and bear false testimony against those who took part in them. A number of misleading statements have appeared in the papers, and others are quietly circulated to bring the personnel of the conventions into disrepute, and this is engaged in by those who lack the courage to openly charge and face the men who led the movement which culminated in a new departure, which promises to remould the entire labor movement of the country, and bring it up-to-date in all its economic and political equipment.

The two men who led and inspired the conventions were Edward Boyce, president of the Western Federation of Miners, and Daniel McDonald, president of the Western, now the American Labor Union. McDonald was unanimously reelected upon that issue and holds his position by practically the unanimous confidence of the members of his great and growing organization. Edward Boyce retired from official life, honored by every true man and only hated by those who found him staunch and incorruptible, and utterly incapable of being swerved from his duty to his fellowmen. The name of this man will be honorably written in the history of trades unionism, as he has already written it in the deeds of duty that live forever.

I need not, at this time, repeat the terms of the essential change which has taken place in the Western labor movement. It is all summed up in this single statement that it has adopted a working-class political platform and is now equipped for united action in the political field in every contest until the victory is finally won.

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: From the Duluth Labor World: “Gene Debs Defines Labor Leaders Duty”-Do Not Vote for Enemy of Workers”