Hellraisers Journal – Sunday September 28, 1902 “The Anthracite Coal Strike” by Comrade William Mailly, Part II
From the International Socialist Review of August 1902:
The Anthracite Coal Strike.
[-by William Mailly] ———-
[Part II of II]
Socialist Spirit, July 1902 Comrade Mailly, now in field of great anthracite coal strike.
This somewhat lengthy and yet incomplete explanation of the strike situation has been necessary in order that outsiders can understand why the Socialist agitators received such a warm welcome in the strike region. We came with a new message to the strikers and they heard us gladly. Thrown into the position of fighting simply to save the union that had protected them for two years, harassed and antagonized by the business men whom they had formerly believed their friends, deserted and deceived by the politicians who had always proclaimed themselves their champions, misrepresented and discouraged by the papers they had always supported, they were ready to listen to those who came and spoke the truth. In my experience I have never seen men who listened so eagerly and with such unfeigned enthusiasm to the Socialist presentation of the situation as did these strikers.
But the way had been prepared for us. “Mother” Jones had not been through the region for nothing. Everywhere she had left a trail of Socialist books and papers behind her. Few of the officials but had subscribed for a paper, and many of the miners received one she had subscribed for for them. And “Mother” Jones’ name is a talisman that opens the hearts of the anthracite miners to any Socialist that comes to educate and not abuse.
Then National Secretary Greenbaum’s “strike bulletins,” following upon his messages of friendship to the miners’ conventions, had also familiarized the name of the Socialist Party. These bulletins were much appreciated and made a good impression.
It did not take long, therefore, for the Socialist agitators to secure a hearing. Nothing could more emphasize the different effect produced by the Socialist Labor Party [SLP] tactics and those of the Socialist Party [of America, SPA] than the treatment accorded our representatives. Wherever I went in the region I heard stories of how the S. L. P. agitators had made themselves obnoxious by their attacks upon the union and their efforts to disorganize the men. It sometimes became necessary to explain the difference in the parties to enquirers who classed all Socialists as “union wreckers.”
I think the members of the Socialist Party are justified in believing that the presence of their representatives in the field was beneficial to the strike and the miners’ union. We preached the necessity of Solidarity and explained the industrial situation so that the miners could not help but become imbued with an increased faith in themselves. They were not slow to acknowledge this, and to show their approval of what we said. It became a very easy matter to get up a meeting for a Socialist speaker and, in some cases, men were known to walk several miles to hear us. The Socialists presented the case with a force and clearness that went home and made, I am sure, a lasting impression, especially as the situation provided all the necessary features for Socialist arguments of unlimited length.
There was no antagonism to the Socialists exhibited by any of the officials. On the contrary, there was an evident desire to allow us to be heard, and local officials gave us much assistance. Personally I received a letter from President Mitchell introducing me to the locals, which, as representative of the “Worker,” was of great help to me. I did not have to use the letter to get up meetings. Just as soon as it was learned I was a Socialist and “all right,” meetings were arranged for me. There was no danger of not having anything to do.
Wherever Vail, Spargo, Geiger and Collins had spoken, the same encomiums of their work were heard. We had a clear field, for none of the capitalist party politicians were in sight, and the miners were in the mood for the truth. Collins couldn’t begin to organize locals fast enough, and he’ll probably never do harder or better work again. Fortunately, we had comrades at Carbondale and Wilkesbarre, who took advantage of every opportunity presented.
Two things are to be regretted. First, that more agitators could not be kept in the field, and second, that more literature and better facilities for handling it could not be provided. I was never more impressed with the necessity of a well-formed, efficiently conducted Socialist organization. The national and State officials of the party did their utmost, but their hands were tied for lack of funds. I am of the opinion that half a dozen good Socialist agitators, speaking different languages, following each other through the region, would do more toward winning the strike than all the money the Socialist Party can give to a strike relief fund. The demand for literature cannot begin to be filled. The miners are reading and discussing what they read as never before. Such an opportunity to reach a large number of workingmen so receptive and hungry for knowledge will seldom be presented again. As it is, we can feel that not only have we done our utmost to propagate Socialism, but we have also inculcated into the hearts and minds of thousands of workingmen the true spirit of the class struggle and some conception of the prevailing industrial phenomena.
A final word about the strike itself. That the conditions around the mines justify organization goes without saying. Nevertheless, I believe these conditions might have been endured a while longer if tyranny had not been exercised to such an extent. To be continually insulted and reviled when seeking redress, to be cursed by the boss and subjected to his open contempt, to be ignored by the employer when seeking recognition—this was more than the miners could stand forever. The union has offered them the only medium of expression for their grievances, the only form of protection from the domineering of under bosses and the larger tyranny of the operators they have ever had. The strike is the harvest of years of arbitrary and selfish corporate misrule.
Whatever the outcome may be, the fact that the fight is one to preserve the right to organize should be of encouragement to all Socialists. There is one thing also of which I am morally certain: that, even if the strike be lost, the union will not wholly be destroyed. It has the elements of permanency in it, for men like those to be found in the anthracite region are not conquered by one defeat. The union is there to stay, no matter how this strike may result or who the officers may be. The seed of Solidarity is too deeply planted to be uprooted and destroyed so easily as the mine owners wish. And if the Socialists have only succeeded in planting that seed a little deeper, this alone should recompense us for any money or energy expended during the strike.
Hellraisers Journal – Friday September 20, 1912 Mother Jones News Round-Up for August 1912, Part IV
Found on the Ground in West Virginia Strike Zone, Shadowed by Mine Guards
From The Wheeling Majority of August 15, 1912:
Kanawha Miners Still on Strike
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[Mother Jones on the Ground.]
(By G. H. Edmunds.)
Charleston. W. Va., Aug. 15.—(Special.)-The great strike of the miners of the Kanawha valley is still on, and is spreading daily. When this strike started it was confined to the mines along Paint Creek and Little Coal river and Briar creek, but it now embraces the entire Cabin Creek and Big Coal river district. The miners of this section voluntarily organized themselves into local unions and then applied to the district organization to admit them into the district of West Virginia, which is District No. 17, U. M. W. of A. In all, there are close to 4,000 miners and 40 mines affected. The miners are demanding the right to organize, and also are demanding the doing away with the mine guard system. The guard system has become unbearable, and it has been definitely decided among the miners that it must go…..
The Demands.
The demands in brief are:
1. The recognition by the operators of their right to organize.
2. The abolition of the guard system.
3. The recognition of the union as in affect on the Kanawha river between the operators and miners.
4. The short ton of 2,000 pounds in lieu of the long ton of 2,240 pounds.
5. Nine hours to constitute a work day in lieu of a 10-hour day.
6. Semi-monthly pay. [State law, but unenforced.]
7. The right to purchase goods at any place desired.
Demands Reasonable.
Now, anyone can see that these demands are reasonable, and should not be refused to any body of workmen. There has been all kinds of trouble since the strike started. Miner after miner has been shot, killed and beaten up by the guards, until the governor was compelled to send the militia to Paint Creek. Cabin Creek is now the battle ground, and all eyes are looking in that direction.
“Mother” Jones is on the ground, and the miners are organizing daily. By next Monday not a mine on the Creek will be operating…..
[Photograph and paragraph break added.]
From the Baltimore Sun of August 20, 1912:
1. Sentry on guard at Mucklow, W. Va. More than a hundred bullets struck this house on the morning of July 26, when strikers shot up the town. 2. Striking miner’s family living at Holly Grove, on Paint Creek, W. Va., in tent furnished by United Mine Workers’ organization. At the time the picture was taken the husband and father had walked 12 miles to hear “Mother” Jones speak. Several hundred miners live in the Holly Grove Camp. 3. View of miners’ camp at Holly Grove, W. Va.
Hellraisers Journal – Monday September 16, 1912 Mother Jones News Round-Up for June and July 1912
Found in West Virginia Standing with Striking Miners of Kanawah County
From The Sacramento Star of June 3, 1912:
Mother Jones has forwarded $800 from Montana to the Harriman shop strikers.Seven hundred of this was donated, in response to her earnest appeal, by unions of coal miners, and the remainder came from mill and smeltermen, machinists and other crafts. How persistent has been her work tor the System Federation is seen in her statement that she refused to accept less than $250 from the union of miners at Roundup, and their $100 donation was sent through their international office. Butte metal miners gave $300 some time ago.
[She writes in a characteristic letter to President E. L. Reguin and Secretary John Scott of the System Federation:]
If the men had been working regularly in the coal mines, I could have gathered up very much more. However, the whole thing shows the disposition of the men to aid each other in the struggle, which counts to me very much more than the finances,
I shall leave in a few days for West Virginia, to take up the battle there. It is a dangerous field, and many of us who go in there are more than likely never to come out, but what difference does that make so long as we are carrying on the industrial battle, and flaunting in the face of the foe the red flag of industrial freedom? There must be sacrifices made, and there must be martyrs. That state and Alabama must be organized within the next few years.
Tell my boys of the Federation it matters not where I go, I shall keep up the fight against oppression and wrong. Men, women and children must be free, and sentiment will never free them. Those who are grounded in the philosophy of the class struggle must go forth and give battle to the well-entrenched foe.
Tell the boys to keep up the fight. It is far better to die fighting and suffering than to remain slaves.
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From the Denver United Labor Bulletin of June 6, 1912:
MINERS HOLD CONFERENCE
A conference of all the officers of the different districts of the United Mine Workers of America of the Rocky Mountain Jurisdiction, was held Monday in Butte, Mont. Plans were laid for more thorough organization, and for active assistance to employers of union labor in the matter of securing increased sale of union-mined coal. “Mother” Jones addressed the meeting and left Monday night for West Virginia.
Hellraisers Journal – Thursday September 5, 1912 Martial Law Declared in Paint Creek-Cabin Creek Strike Zone
From The Wheeling Intelligencer of September 4, 1912:
Special Dispatch to the Intelligencer.
CHARLESTON, W. Va., September 3.-With more than 200,000 rounds of ammunition, seven modern Colts’ machine guns, fifteen hundred rifles of various kinds, from the highest priced and most modern make, down to the ordinary 22-caliber and bushels of revolvers, that is the term used by the militia authorities in answering the question as to the number of concealed weapons they now have-is the sum total of artillery the state captured during the first twelve hours of martial law in the Paint and Cabin Creek section of Kanawha county and of the Kanawha coal district.
Promptly at 6 o’clock this morning the proclamation went into effect. The nine companies of state militia with every available officer was scattered through the district and promptly at the hour fixed swooped down on store and cabin, operators residence and fortifications constructed by the coal operators and took possession of all firearms and other dangerous weapons. In no instance today was it necessary to arrest in order to secure weapons. That the miners and any of the mine guards had an idea that martial law was coming and got beyond the reach of the militia is definitely known.
Attack a Surprise.
This district is mountainous, making it possible for great numbers of men to conceal themselves and then attempt to escape under cover. While some may be successful the militia has stretched out along the boundary line to guard against just such a condition. The territory embraced in the proclamation is about twenty miles in length and from seven to twelve miles wide and contains at the present time about 18,000 or 20,000 people. Under the West Virginia law the rules and regulations of the regular army control in case of martial law is:
“A court-martial and a military commission have been appointed which may try offenses committed by either soldiers or citizens in the territory under martial law,” said Governor Glasscock today.
“For this duty I have selected men in whom I have the highest confidence because their power is almost ultimate and they may impose such punishment, including death, as they deem proper in the exigencies of the occasion.”
Hellraisers Journal – Wednesday July 31, 1912 Mucklow, West Virginia – Striking Miners Battle Company Gunthugs
From The Wheeling Intelligencer of July 27, 1912:
From The Pittsburgh Post of July 30, 1912:
Top, left to right: Troop train arriving at Mucklow, W. Va. Every man on Paint Creek goes armed, and the excitement is intense. General view of Mucklow, showing the company store and tipple on the left, and troops beginning their encampment on the right.
Bottom, left to right: Prisoners accused of murdering mine guards. Twenty-two of these were taken on Saturday by Baldwin men, who surrounded them with an armed guard. Tent and family of one of the destitute and evicted miners.
Hellraisers Journal – Sunday July 7, 1912 Charleston, West Virginia – Cossacks Rule Paint Creek, Mother Jones at Work
From The Wheeling Majority of July 4, 1912:
Hot Times In West Virginia ———-
[Mother Jones Working Night and Day]
(By G. H. Edmunds.)
Charleston, W. Va., July 3.—(Special.)—You talk about the cossacks of Russia and the state police of Pennsylvania, but the guard system of West Virginia has all these backed off the boards. The guards along Paint Creek have taken the law in their hands, and are openly defying the law in all its phases. They are evicting the miners in open violation of the law up to date, we have been unable to check them. The law firm of Littlepage, Matheney and Littlepage sought to enjoin the coal companies, and here is what happened.
District Judge Burdette did the “fade-away” act’ to perfection. When our attorney went to his court (after having a time set to hear the injunction), and there and then found that the judge had left the community and no one could say where he had gone or when he would return. So the coal companies are still evicting our people. If Kellar, the great magician, wants to learn a few new tricks along the “fade-away” line, he might do well to consult his honor, Judge Burdette.
Assaulting Children.
Assault after assault has been committed upon defenseless men, women and children. But the sheriff of Kanawha county has done absolutely nothing about it at all. We hope that the miners will not forget Judge Burdette when election day comes. If he is afraid to perform the duties of his office, then he is not competent to fill that high office. I know it is pretty hard to go up against such a proposition as issuing or refusing an injunction as the one prayed for, yet it was the plain duty of Judge Burdette to have stood his ground and decided this case on its merits. Judge Burdette stands indicted for rank cowardice before all the people of this county. Will they forget or condone this act? Lots could be said about Kanawha county justice, but we will save it for campaign dope. Board Member Watkins Reports a good meeting at McClannahan, just across the mountain from Raymond City. We are glad to see these men coming out of the kinks at last. There are scores of good men over there and now that they have started again we bid them God speed.
Boys, don’t stop until every man in your locality is a union man and a Socialist. The “man catchers” from Burnwell “caught” two colored brothers in their net of deception, but upon their arrival at Burnwell, they found out about the strike and they left, walking 17 miles, and they informed the guards they would spend a year in the penitentiary before they would work as strike breakers. Pretty good union men, these.
Mother Jones There.
Mother Jones is still here and well and working night and day. She bears her 80 years as if they were 50. We expect big things next week. At this time we have 21 guards on trial for entering the homes of the miners without leave or warrant.
The miners are still firm and there will be no break away from our ranks. Organizers Batley and Davis left for their homes to spend the 4th of July. Organizer G. H. Edmunds and Vice President Frank J. Hayes will speak at Buxton, Ia., on the Fourth. Great credit is due the Majority for the gallant advocacy of the miners’ cause during this strike. All miners should subscribe to this paper, because he is our friend, and we should stand by our friends. Editor Hilton, has been fearless in his defense of our cause.
All mine workers are requested to stay away from West Virginia until notified officially that the strike is ended.
[Photograph, emphasis and paragraph breaks added.]
Hellraisers Journal – Friday June 28, 1912 Paint Creek District, West Virginia – Striking Miners Standing Firm
From The Wheeling Majority of June 27, 1912:
Miners Strike In Kanawha Valley ———-
(By G. H. Edmunds)
Charleston, W. Va., June 24.—(Special)—After two months and one week of striking, the miners along Paint Creek and other places on strike, are standing firm. No desertions from the union ranks whatsoever.
This strike was forced upon the miners by the Paint Creek operators refusing to concede the same raise in wages that was granted by the other operators. The miners agreed early in March to work after April 1st, pending a settlement of the wage question, and the operators agreed to pay to them whatever scale was agreed upon, from the first of April. One-half of the Cleveland agreement was agreed upon, and three of the largest operators in the valley have refused to pay the scale.
They [the operators] at once resorted to the armed thug, and political tools some times called sheriffs and since the inauguration of the strike, one defenseless foreigner has been killed, one negro miner shot, and scores of men, women and children beaten, intimidated and insulted by this gang of gun men.
It is a disgrace upon the county of Kanawha and the state of West Virginia that such crimes could happen right under the “shadow of the dome” of the state capital, and the Honorable Governor at Chicago, singing for Roosevelt, and the high sheriff there also, joining in the chorus, while the poor common people are being killed, beaten, intimidated and exploited, and the Governor and sheriff thoroughly familiar with the entire situation, yet they refuse to prevent this continual violation of law and society, yet they are all lined up for Teddy.
No miner in this state can afford to vote for such politicians as these men…
On June 12th, the grand jury of Kanawha county returned indictments against eight Baldwin Feltz guards for first degree murder, in connection with their killing of the Italian miner [Donato di Pietro] at Wancomah, on June 4th. The 12th was on Wednesday, and the sheriff’s office made no attempt to apprehend or arrest these indicted mine guards until the following Monday, or on the 17th.
Yet six miners that were put in jail by these same guards, without the formality of a trial, were kept there, although the grand jury could find no indictment against them. Now Mr. Glasscock [Governor of West Virginia], did you not swear that you would see that the laws were strictly enforced? Please let us know under what law are these poor miners being kept in jail?
In the fact of all these hardships the miners are going to win this strike. Large mass meetings are being held daily all over the field to enlist support for the people on strike. Sunday there was a large meeting at Plymouth, in the south end of the field, and at Cedar Grove, in the central part of the Valley, and also on Paint Creek, up amongst the miners on strike.
Each week sees a new victory for the strikes. First was the winning Winnifrede. Next the complete victory of the men on Morris Creek. Next was the last past week we had two places on the Ohio river to sign up, making four victories of which we have a right to feel proud. Another gratifying condition, at this time is we are getting the miners to stand up for their rights in the courts, and by persistent fighting we are winning here and there. Organizer No. 3 has adopted a unique way of advertising the strike, by printing one thousand placards which reads as follows:
To all miners and other Workmen
You are hereby notified to stay away from Burnwell, Waucoma, Standard, Mucklow, Mahan, Hickory camp Tomsburg and Banner, all on Paint Creek in Kanawha county. West Va. Also from Cole river and Fort Defiance, as there is a strike of the union miners at each of these places. If you are not a strike breaker, please stay away.
Hellraisers Journal – Sunday April 28, 1912 Socialist Party Organizing in West Virginia by Harold Houston
From the International Socialist Review of April 1912:
The Socialist Outlook in West Virginia
[-by Harold W. Houston, State Secretary]
It is impossible to write of the political situation in this state without enthusiasm. The apathy of recent years has given place to a marvelous awakening among all classes of voters. The seed sown by the early agitators has taken deep root in our soil and is bearing abundant fruit. The dues paying membership of the Socialist party is about one thousand.We have ninety-three locals in good standing. Our party press is a development of the last two years, and we now have the following papers:The Labor Argus, Charleston, edited by C. H. Boswell; the Clarksburg Socialist, Clarksburg, edited by E. H. Kintzer; the Wheeling Majority and the West Virginia Socialist, both of Wheeling and edited by Walter B. Hilton; the Plain-Dealer, Cameron, edited by William E. Lang. A movement is now on to start several other papers during the coming campaign.
Several towns in the state have elected Socialist mayors and other officials. Star City, Hendricks, Adamston, Miama and other towns have been swept into the Socialist ranks. All indications point to our carrying at least five counties in the coming election. Our state government is located at Charleston, Kanawha county, and the political piracy that always characterizes the doings of the politicians that infest the seat of government has polluted that community beyond description. The voters there are in revolt. The generals of the old parties find themselves without an army. The Socialists have set themselves the task of electing the entire ticket in that county, especially the legislative ticket. Our enemies freely admit that we have a splendid fighting chance. At Clarksburg, Harrison county, the situation is intensely interesting. It has attracted the attention of all of the lyceum lecturers. The industrial workers of that section are intelligent and progressive, and during the last two years they have been coming into the Socialist movement in battalions. This is another county that is almost certain to land a full Socialist ticket.
At Wheeling there is the same widespread response to the call of Socialism. The voters are organizing the entire county, and there is little doubt but that we will secure at least a portion of the ticket in that county. One of the most gratifying things about the West Virginia movement is the utter absence of factional strifes and disruptive tactics. Some slight differences do indeed exist as to minor matters, but there is no bitter or serious breaches in the organization. On the whole complete harmony reigns. The personnel of the movement is exceptionally high, and the movement is revolutionary to the core.
This is a war-born state, and it has a population that illy wears the collar of industrial servitude. When it seceded from Old Virginia it placed upon its coat of arms the motto: “Montani Semper Liberi” (Mountaineers are always free), and the sweep of the Socialist movement over the mountains and valleys indicates that we are going to translate those words into a reality. We send greetings to our comrades of other states, and we say to them that the coming election will show that we have been in the thick of the battle.
Hellraisers Journal – Sunday October 10, 1909
Louis Duchez on Victory of McKees Rocks Strikers, Part II
From the International Socialist Review of October 1909:
[Part II of II.]
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On August 15th, the I. W. W. advertised a mass meeting to be held on Indian Mound. Large posters printed in five different languages were displayed. Eight thousand men attended the meeting—nearly all strikers, and many railroad men and trade unionists and laborers from Pittsburg.
William E. Trautman first addressed the meeting in English and German, after which the men were parcelled off in lots. Nine different nationalities were spoken to—besides these two—and to each man his own tongue.
To Ignatz Klavier, a Polander and member of the Socialist Party who speaks five languages fluently, much credit is due for enlightening the McKees Rocks strikers on the principles of industrial unionism. It was Klavier who, during the second week of the strike, brought out clearly the distinction between the A. F. of L. and the I. W. W. He was ably assisted by Henyey, a Hungarian, and Max Forker, a German.
A wonderful spirit of solidarity was shown by the trainmen of the Pittsburg, Ft. Wayne and Chicago and on the Pittsburg and Lake Erie roads—the only railroads running into McKees Rocks, when the trainmen refused to haul scabs to the plant. This is the first time in the history of labor troubles in the United States that this has been done. This was another example of the tactics of industrial unionism directly due to I. W. W. propaganda and education. Not only did the railroad men lend their aid to the strikers but the crews on the two company steamers, “The Queen” and “The Pheil,” refused to haul the scabs. This also is due to the work of the Unknown Committee and the great wonderful spirit of solidarity that is spontaneously stirring the wage slaves of the world. Even the school children of “Hunkeytown” refused to attend school until the strike was settled.
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1. Sentry on guard at Mucklow, W. Va. More than a hundred bullets struck this house on the morning of July 26, when strikers shot up the town. 
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