Tag: United Mine Workers of America

Hellraisers Journal: “The Betrayal of the West Virginia Red Necks” by Fred Merrick, Editor of Pittsburgh Justice, Part II

Janet RayeEugene Victor Debs
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Quote Ralph Chaplin, WV Miners Longing for the Spring, Leaves, Paint Creek Miner, ISR p736, Apr 1913————–

Hellraisers Journal – Tuesday July 8, 1913
Socialist Editor Fred Merrick on the Betrayal of the West Virginia Miners, Part II

From the International Socialist Review of July 1913:

HdLn WV Betrayal by SPA by Merrick, ISR p18, July 1913

[Part II of II]

The National officials of the union called a convention April 22, 1913, at Charleston, of delegates from Paint and Cabin Creeks and Coal River strike zones. When this convention was convened it was found that more than 90 per cent of the delegates and two officials of the union were bitterly opposed to the governor’s proposition, which was simply the bare ultimatum of the operators. These delegates for days arose and rehearsed the year of bitter suffering as conclusive argument why they should not go, back on such a basis of compromise.

Day after day the officials argued and coaxed and threatened. The “pay-roll” worked the streets and hotel lobbies at night like ward heeling politicians, recalcitrant delegates were doped in saloons and every dirty trick known to labor union politics was attempted. On Wednesday evening Harold W. Houston, at that time Secretary of the Socia]ist party of West Virginia and attorney for the U. M. W. of A. made a radical Socialist speech which was applauded vigorously by the miners. He won their confidence.

WV Brotherhood Union Scabs Who Agreed to Run Bull Moose Special ag Holly Grove, ISR p21, July 1913

But Friday, April 25th, rolled around and the “God damn red necks couldn’t be controlled,” a prominent official put it. The miners wouldn’t accept the compromise. Hatfield became impatient over the inability of Haggerty, Vasey & Company to deliver the goods, and he issued his ultimatum of April 25. With this as a club the officials tried to scare the “red necks,” but men who had fought Baldwin guards and faced machine guns and dum-dum bullets weren’t much afraid of the threats of a Hatfield.

So the last trick was pulled from the stacked cards of craft union politics. Harold Houston was approached. He was made to believe that it was the best thing for the miners to go back. He was then told that he was the only one the miners had confidence enough in to listen to and that if he would advocate their acceptance of the proposition the delegates would accede. Houston weakened and agreed that on condition that a communication be sent the governor interpreting “discrimination” to mean that no striker should be refused employment he would advise acceptance. This was done and the miners reluctantly followed the advice of their trusted lawyer “leader” and adjourned April 26th with the distinct understanding that the national officials would stand by them against any discrimination-that “all or none must return to work.”

But the operators saw that the miners had begun to weaken and they gave Hatfield to distinctly understand that the “agitators” would not be taken back. And despite the months of persecution and the imprisonment of many Socialists, there were scores more on the creeks. Hatfield, true to his capitalist interests, immediately issued his now famous 24-hour ultimatum of April 27th threatening deportation to all miners and sympathizers unless every miner in the strike zone was at work Monday morning, April 28th, and in this, distinctly said regarding the re-employment of all the strikers, “It would be presumptuous for me to tell employers whom they should employ.” Everyone understood immediately that the “agitators” would not get back. Hundreds refused to apply for work as being a violation of the action of the convention of April 22nd, and the solemn pledges of the national officials that they would stand by the men and support them in a continuance of the strike if they did not all get back.

Despite the governor’s outrageous and unconstitutional conduct which was in addition a violation of his own flowery promises, Joe Vasey, who had been conveniently left in charge of the situation by Haggerty, issued a statement to the press which was published Monday morning as follows: “At 9:30 p. m. Governor Hatfield called up the President at Clarksburg.” Yet with the villain responsible for these outrages present, Vice President Hayes, whose “Socialism” has been used as a bait for the radical miners for years, introduced Hatfield to the miners in a disgustingly laudatory fashion and the governor then proceeded to make a speech characteristic of the finished politician, in which he said he was the laboring man’s governor and that “By God the interests don’t control me.”

Following this was the advent of the Socialist National Investigating Committee. This committee’s report should be reviewed at length, but that is impossible here. Harsh terms must be used in dealing with it, but ample proof can be adduced for every charge including personal witnesses if necessary.

The writer charges that when Debs says that the conduct of the committee was received with rejoicing and enthusiasm he either ignorantly or intentionally misrepresents the facts as scores of witnesses can be produced to prove the contrary.

The writer further brands as absolute falsehood the statement that the court martialing of “Mother” Jones, Brown, Boswell, Parsons and others occurred under Glasscock. Hatfield was inaugurated on March 4th. The Governor had full control of martial law and under Hatfield’s administration the drumhead court martial sat on March 7th and placed on trial 51 persons. The sessions of this court continued until March 12th. More than this, it can be proven that the committee’s attention was called to this error before they left Charleston and yet they deliberately returned to Chicago and sent broadcast to the country a statement they had been informed was unqualifiedly false. Witnesses can be produced to prove this also.

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: “The Betrayal of the West Virginia Red Necks” by Fred Merrick, Editor of Pittsburgh Justice, Part II” →

Hellraisers Journal: “The Betrayal of the West Virginia Red Necks” by Fred Merrick, Editor of Pittsburgh Justice, Part I

Janet RayeEugene Victor Debs
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Quote Ralph Chaplin, WV Miners Longing for the Spring, Leaves, Paint Creek Miner, ISR p736, Apr 1913————–

Hellraisers Journal – Monday July 7, 1913
Socialist Editor Fred Merrick on the Betrayal of the West Virginia Miners, Part I

From the International Socialist Review of July 1913:

HdLn WV Betrayal by SPA by Merrick, ISR p18, July 1913

[Part I of II]

IT WILL be hopelessly impossible within the narrow confines of this brief article to give the reader more than a skeleton of the real “inside” story of the great strike raging in West Virginia, which the greed of coal operators, subserviency of political officials, especially the courts and sheriffs, brutality of heartless degenerates known as “Baldwins” or “mine guards,” drum-head court martial of the militia, duplicity of their own attorneys, misrepresentation by newspapers, treachery of many officials of their own union and the crowning act of all, the betrayal or misrepresentation of their cause to the Socialists of America by a committee elected by the National Committee to investigate conditions in West Virginia-all have utterly failed to break.

WV Gunthugs w Machine Gun, ISR p18, July 1913

To all the horrors which a strike of a year’s duration in tents on the bleak winter mountains of “Little Switzerland” means, was added the base conduct of those labor and so-called “Socialist” parasites who today make their living as advisors of the toilers without themselves undergoing the privations incident to toil and revolution. Volumes could and undoubtedly will yet be written on this phase of the West Virginia struggle which is far more vital than the spectacular battles which have been described again and again.

It is not unfair to say that the facts merely suggested here will never find publicity through the orthodox labor or Socialist press, but if the reader has his class conscious curiosity sufficiently aroused by this brief resume to thoroughly investigate the sordid tale of the betrayal of the West Virginia “red necks” as many of the officials and organizers of the U. M. W. of A. contemptuously refer to the West Virginia miners, the purpose of this story will have been accomplished. Before passing judgment on the harshness of some of the terms used in this article examine each statement of fact carefully and see if such conduct should not be described in terms calculated to arouse the militant toilers of America, whether the object be our formerly “beloved ‘Gene,” who seems to have fallen by the wayside, or our genial friend from Milwaukee.

The West Virginia strike may roughly be divided into three distinct stages:

1. The unorganized strike stage when the miners aided by the local Socialists made their valiant fight at a time when the officials of the U. M. W. of A. did absolutely nothing to help. Towards the latter part of this period “Mother” Jones appeared and helped her “boys” to “fight like hell.” The method of breaking the strike employed during this time was confined entirely to the physical brutality of Baldwin mine guards and the less efficient National guard or militia. The miners were able to handle this sort of “suppression” with some first-class “direct action.” During this period the miners scored a decisive victory.

WV Child of Martyr Estep, ISR p19, July 1913
[Correction: The orphan child of Cesco Estep
was a son, not a daughter. ]

2. Immediately following election in November different tactics were employed. Certain treacherous officials of the union deliberately asked for martial law. Following this they attempted to compromise the strike which the militia was unable to break alone. The climax of this period dominated by the officials of the U. M. W. of A; came with Hatfield’s notorious deportation ultimatum of April 27th, which was endorsed and supported enthusiastically by the officials of the U. M. W. of A. from President White down through Frank Hayes, Thomas Haggerty and Joe Vasey. However, the tactics employed of attempting to break the strike with the machine of the U. M. W. of A. failed miserably and another trick was employed.

3. This period is marked by the advent of the Socialist National Investigating Committee which endorsed the conduct of Governor Hatfield for the most part thereby giving a clean bill of health to the officials of the U. M. W. of A. who had accepted Hatfield’s “settlement,” thereby becoming the agents through whom the operators hoped to accomplish a “settlement” which police brutality, the diplomacy of Hatfield and the treachery of U. M. W. of A. officials had failed to accomplish. Due to the splendid common sense education on Socialism the miners had received for two years through the columns of the Charleston Labor Argus, edited by fearless Charles H. Boswell, the miners and local Socialists received the committee not as heroes, but as ordinary human beings. They refused to accept the “settlement” because its sponsor had been whitewashed by the committee, just as before.

The first period has been adequately dealt with by the capitalist magazines where it received more attention than was ever given it by the Socialist press, who seemed afraid of it for some reason.

The second period is marked by successive steps of compromise which are a disgrace even to the black record of the U. M. W. of A., who have so often betrayed the West Virginia miners that it has become an old story. Let us get a birds-eye view of how the machine of this organization pulled the sting out of the demands of the miners so gradually that the miners themselves did not realize that it was being done. 

1. In the early Spring of 1912, a convention of miners was called at Charleston, here it was understood the demands of the miners would be the same as elsewhere in the United States and were to include an EIGHT-HOUR DAY. As West Virginia coal is mined cheaper per ton than any other coal there is less reason for working more than eight hours than there is in other states.

2. Another convention of miners was held in Charleston in April, 1912. In the interim the Cleveland scale had been adopted and at this convention the local officials, with the acquiescence of the national organization, persuaded the miners to modify their demands to ONE-HALF the Cleveland scale and, from an EIGHTHOUR to a NINE-HOUR DAY. Following the strike, the miners kept up such a hot fight that the union officials were apparently afraid to attempt any more compromises until following the court martialing of “Mother” Jones, Brown, Boswell and other Socialists.

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: “The Betrayal of the West Virginia Red Necks” by Fred Merrick, Editor of Pittsburgh Justice, Part I” →

Hellraisers Journal: How the Coal Miners’ Victory in West Virginia Was Turned Into a “Settlement” by W. H. Thompson, Part III

Janet RayeHellraisers Journal
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Quote Ralph Chaplin, WV Miners Longing for the Spring, Leaves, Paint Creek Miner, ISR p736, Apr 1913—————

Hellraisers Journal – Sunday July 6, 1913
West Virginia Coal Miners’ Victory Turned into “Settlement”-Part III

From the International Socialist Review of July 1913:

How a Victory Was Turned Into
a ”Settlement” in West Virginia

-by W. H.Thompson,
Editor Huntington Socialist and Labor Star

[Part III of III]

WV Learning to Shoot, ISR p17, July 1913

The miners have been forced to return to work under the old hellish condition of virtual peonage; the precedent of military drum-head trials and convictions of agitators has been firmly established, in fact the right of Mammon to rule, to rob, to crush and kill has been more firmly enthroned than ever before, and more securely guarded.

As a fitting reward for faithful service in helping to bring about the pleasing “settlement,” today’s papers carry the cheering intelligence that the U. M. W. of A., including its principal officials, has been indicted in the Federal court here, charged with being a conspiracy in restraint of trade and a buster of the sacred Sherman Anti-Trust law.

All those working class comrades who see clearly the situation in this state are pessimistic in their utterances. Personally, I know of but one thing that could possibly turn the miners’ defeat into victory and that is to initiate these mountaineers into the mysteries of Twentieth century fighting tactics, including a thorough working knowledge of that powerful weapon-industrial unionism-One Big Union, in which the rank and file decide all questions for themselves.

Note.-Last reports say that Thomas Haggerty, U. M. W. of A. official, is suing Comrade Boswell for exposures of his methods in handling the strike, alleged libel. Comrade Boswell is back on the Labor Argus to stay, and to tell the truth no matter who gets hit.

—————

The latest telegraph dispatches state that the miners in the Paint and Cabin Creek districts have repudiated the settlement and are demanding their officials to call a general strike.

[Emphasis added.[

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: How the Coal Miners’ Victory in West Virginia Was Turned Into a “Settlement” by W. H. Thompson, Part III” →

Hellraisers Journal: How the Coal Miners’ Victory in West Virginia Was Turned Into a “Settlement” by W. H. Thompson, Part II

Janet RayeEugene Victor Debs
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Quote Ralph Chaplin, WV Miners Longing for the Spring, Leaves, Paint Creek Miner, ISR p736, Apr 1913—————

Hellraisers Journal – Saturday July 5, 1913
West Virginia Coal Miners’ Victory Turned into “Settlement”-Part II

From the International Socialist Review of July 1913:

How a Victory Was Turned Into
a ”Settlement” in West Virginia

-by W. H.Thompson,
Editor Huntington Socialist and Labor Star

[Part II of III]

WV Rome Mitchell, Brant Scott, Parsons Lavender, ISR p13, July 1913

Realizing that laudatory speech-making and persuasion were not going to induce these hard-headed delegates to sell the blessing of victory for a mess of burned pottage, they were compelled to resort to downright trickery and deceit.

A committee was appointed from among the delegates to draw up a counter-proposition, setting forth the terms upon which they would be willing to return to work, this to be submitted to the governor in answer to his proposal. The committee drew up the proposition which was presented to and endorsed by the convention. It was then turned over to the officials with instructions that they present it to His Highness.

The following day the convention was given to understand that Hatfield had accepted their proposal as an amendment to his proposition. The two documents were then read and a vote was taken upon what the delegates afterwards, and now, claim they believed was the acceptance of their own proposal. However, the two propositions had been juggled in such a manner, by those who are adepts in such arts, that the miners-necessarily untrained in the gentle ways of parliamentary legerdemain, had in reality voted for and accepted the original odious Hatfield offer, their own proposition having been promptly turned down by that gentleman with the remark that he “could not force the mine owners to comply with it.” 

These things were not made public, of course, until after the convention had adjourned. You can imagine the surprise and chagrin of the miners upon being informed by the daily papers that they had tamely submitted to the dictator’s demands after he had spurned their own offer of a basis of settlement.

This information was followed by orders from headquarters at Charleston to the effect that the miners return to work at once. This they refused to do. Then the officials, escorted by detachments of the governor’s hated yellow-legs, visited the tented villages in the mountains and bluntly informed the rebellious strikers that their relief would be cut off at once and the tents burned over their heads if they did not submit to the settlement and return to work.

Under these circumstances there was nothing to do but obey and the strikers began to apply for work at the mines. All those known to have been most active during the strike were refused employment. These to the number of 400 are still idle, for the good and simple reason that they are very effectively black-listed at every coal mine in the valley. All others are working under the same, or worse conditions than existed before the strike began. 

Of course it was thoroughly realized by the powers that be that there was one remaining obstruction in the way of a complete establishment of their neatly planned “settlement.” That was the Socialist press.

Editor C. H. Boswell, of the Charleston Labor Argus, had been approached some months before and it was insinuated that a “settlement” might be arranged. He promptly and forcefully informed the “approachers” that The Argus was fighting for victory for the rank and file and that if any crooked work was attempted something would drop. Boswell was arrested a few days later and safely planted in the bull pen. The Argus, however, had continued, and the Huntington Socialist and Labor Star had also begun to show an inquisitive interest in the happenings affecting the strikers. These two agencies must be silenced, temporarily at least; decided the three-armed combination most interested in the success of the settlement. No sooner said than done. Martial law was in effect in the coal field, so the commander-in-chief simply dispatched a detail of yellow-legs to Charleston to confiscate The Labor Argus and “jug” Fred Merrick, who was suspected of being editor pro tem. The same gentle methods of suppression were used on the Huntington Star.

With all those who would doubtless make an effective protest against the deal being put over on the fighting miners by the unholy trinity, safely “jugged,” the settlement proceeded apace. The coal operators, the prostituted press and the U. M. W. of A. officials all joined in singing hosannas of praise for the highly satisfactory manner in which His Highness, Hatfield, had settled the strike.

But the last act of despotism on the part of the trinity, the confiscation of the Socialist papers, brought on unexpected complications. The Socialist and labor papers, and hundreds of the capitalist papers throughout the country severely condemned this blundering attack upon the rights of a free press. The National Socialist organization was at last shocked into action and decided to send a committee into West Virginia to find out if we really were having a fight down here. The committee arrived, established headquarters at the most expensive hotel in the capitol city and immediately went into conference with the leaders of the U. M. W. of A.

From conferences with this branch of the triumvirate the committee naturally drifted into conferences with the other branches, Hatfield, the local politicians and the coal barons.

WV Debs Berger Germer Craigo Nantz, ISR p15, July 1913

After a week devoted exclusively to these secretive but doubtless instructing conferences, and before they had visited the mining camps or talked with the local Socialists, members of the committee began talking-to the capitalist papers.

The sayings attributed to them had a familiar sound. They were practically the same sentences that the U. M. W. of A. officials had used, and that the newspapers themselves had used, and that Hatfield himself had used, to justify existing conditions and official anarchy.

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: How the Coal Miners’ Victory in West Virginia Was Turned Into a “Settlement” by W. H. Thompson, Part II” →

Hellraisers Journal: How the Coal Miners’ Victory in West Virginia Was Turned Into a “Settlement” by W. H. Thompson, Part I

Janet RayeHellraisers Journal
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Quote Ralph Chaplin, WV Miners Longing for the Spring, Leaves, Paint Creek Miner, ISR p736, Apr 1913—————

Hellraisers Journal – Friday July 4, 1913
West Virginia Coal Miners’ Victory Turned into “Settlement”-Part I

From the International Socialist Review of July 1913:

WV Settlement by WH Thompson, Tent at Holly Grove, ISR p12, July 1913

[Part I of III]

To those who have been actively engaged in the epochal struggle of the coal miners in this state the present status of affairs is anything but optimistic.

The miners after having put up a fight that won the admiration of the entire working class the country over, have lost their strike and are being driven sullenly back to the Coal Trust’s subterrean hells to produce coal for their brutal masters under the same conditions which have prevailed in the West Virginia coal fields for years, and against which these miners revolted over a year ago.

It is not my intention to give a recapitulation of the stirring events of the Paint Creek strike, but rather a hurried sketch of the manner in which a well earned victory was turned into an empty and meaningless settlement, by a combination of forces against which the miners found themselves helpless.

The coal diggers of the Kanawha valley have proven themselves to be as brave and loyal a set of men as ever established a picket line. They have stoically and uncomplainingly borne the barbaric and inhuman treatment to which they were subjected by the Coal Trust and its political creature-the state government. They had by the sheer force of solidarity, and in spite of the weakness of the antiquated tactics taught them by the officials of the United Mine Workers of America, brought the coal barons to their knees. The state government, too, had exhausted its ingenuity and failed to break the strike. There remained but one hope for the masters of the mines. That was to enlist in their behalf the United Mine Workers of America.

When in the course of these remarks I use the expression ”U. M. W. of A.,” it is meant to apply, not to the men who actually dig coal, but rather to the official oligarchy known as the National Executive Board, members of which were handling the strike in this state.

Overtures were evidently made to these representatives by Governor H. D. Hatfield, acting for the coal autocracy. An agreement was reached, and the three organizations, viz: the Coal Trust, the State government and the U. M. W. of A., acting co-operatively, played the last card which won for the mine owners that which they would have never gained unaided by their last ally.

Everything being “understood” and agreed upon, Hatfield made public what he termed a “proposal for the settlement of the Kanawha strike.”

The proposal made no mention of the three cardinal demands of the miners the elimination of the hated guard system, the right to belong to a union and the payment of the “Kanawha Scale” of wages. In fact it offered absolutely nothing in the way of concessions from the operators-merely insisting-when sheared of its luxuriant verbosity-that the miners return to work under the same conditions that existed before they struck-if the mine owners would let them.

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: How the Coal Miners’ Victory in West Virginia Was Turned Into a “Settlement” by W. H. Thompson, Part I” →

Hellraisers Journal: The Wheeling Majority: “Evidence Shows Peonage Practiced by Coal Corporations in West Virginia”

Janet RayeHellraisers Journal
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Quote Mother Jones, Powers of Privilege ed, Ab Chp III—————

Hellraisers Journal – Thursday June 26, 1913
Charleston, West Virginia – Testimony Before Senate Committee Reveals Peonage

From The Wheeling Majority of June 19, 1913:

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: The Wheeling Majority: “Evidence Shows Peonage Practiced by Coal Corporations in West Virginia”” →

Hellraisers Journal: Appeal to Reason: “Judas Hatfield Unmasked”-John Kenneth Turner on Military Despotism in W. Va.

Janet RayeEugene Victor Debs
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Quote Mother Jones, Powers of Privilege ed, Ab Chp III—————

Hellraisers Journal – Monday June 23, 1913
John Kenneth Turner Reports on Hatfield’s Military Dictatorship in West Virginia

From the Appeal to Reason of June 21, 1913:

Judas Hatfield Unmasked in WV by John Kenneth Turner, p1

[Note: article by Turner continues on page 2.]

—————

WV Gov Hatfield Suppresses Record of Military Courtmartial, Sen Shields will help cover up raids on Socialist press, AtR p1, June 21, 1913

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: Appeal to Reason: “Judas Hatfield Unmasked”-John Kenneth Turner on Military Despotism in W. Va.” →

Hellraisers Journal: Mary Boyle O’Reilly Interviews Lee Calvin Regarding the Gun Raid on the Holly Grove Miner’s Camp

Janet RayeHellraisers Journal
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Poem for Child of Cesco Estep, Clifford Allan Estep, by Walter Seacrist, wvgw net—————

Hellraisers Journal – Sunday June 22, 1913
Miss Mary Boyle O’Reilly Interviews Lee Calvin in West Virginia

From The Day Book of June 21, 1913:

[Lee Calvin stated to Miss O’Reilly that he wanted to tell her about the “Death Special” and the shooting up of “SLEEPING” women and children.

On board the steel armored train were Sheriff Bonner Hill and ten deputies, a machine gun,  a dozen B. & F. mine guards acting as Chesapeake & Ohio detectives, Quinn Morton, millionaire mine owner, and his general manager, M. McClanahan.

Morton armed the men with 30-30’s, Winchester man-killers. Lee Calvin refused the offer of a rifle.]

[Lee Calvin continued…]

With that we came near Holly Grove. Someone turned out the car lights. The engineer gave two short whistles.

Being an old railroad man I knew it for a signal.

And before you could think the maachine gun in the armored car opened a continouous stream of fire on the strikers’ tents near the track.

George A. Lentz, chief detective of the C. & O. detectives, worked the gun.

It was near 11 night. The miners almost to a man, had slipped into the hills. But the moans of women and children were heart-rending.

Esco Estop was shot dead.

Mrs. Hall’s leg was shot off.

Two women gave premature birth to dead children.

Almost at once the town of tents took fire.

That was near midnight of Feb.7. Women and children shrieked all night. God only knows what they thought had come upon them in their sleep!

But Quinn Morton, general manager for the Imperial Colliery Co., to whom all these people must look to live, came running down the car from the rear-cheering-CHEERING!

“Sheriff Hill,” he cried, “let us stop the train, turn on the lights, reload and back up to give them another dose. I guess that will end the strike on Paint Creek.”

[Emphasis added.]

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: Mary Boyle O’Reilly Interviews Lee Calvin Regarding the Gun Raid on the Holly Grove Miner’s Camp” →

WE NEVER FORGET: Night of February 7, 1913, Holly Grove, West Virginia, Francis Estep Shot Down by Gunthugs, Leaving Behind Pregnant Wife and Small Child

Janet RayePaint Creek Cabin Creek Strike 1912-1913
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Quote Mother Jones, Pray for dead, ed, Ab Chp 6, 1925—————

WE NEVER FORGET
Night of February 7, 1913, Holly Grove, West Virginia
Francis Estep Shot Down by Gunthugs, Survived by Pregnant Wife and Small Child

United Mine Workers of America marker to honor Francis Estep, placed at his grave at Holly Grove, WV, many years after his death:

UMWA marker at grave of Francis Estep, place there many years after his death on February 7, 1913, at Holly Grove WV

The Estep home at Holly Grove, 1913:

Estep Home at Holly Grove, Sen Com June 1913, p464

Clifford Allan Estep, son of Francis Estep, about 1913:

Clifford Allan Estep, Son of Frances Estep, about 1913

Poem written for little son of Cesco Estep, Martyr of Holly Grove

THE STRIKER’S ORPHAN CHILD

-by Walter Seacrist

My father was a striker back in nineteen and thirteen.
He was the sweetest daddy; he never treated us mean.
He worked in dark and danger, almost day and night
To earn for us a living, to bring us all up right.

We all were Oh so happy. We were so wondrous blest.
The Union issued a strike call. Dad came out with the rest
To better his condition, that he might not be a slave,
That they might have a Union, and get a living wage.

They cared no more for the miner than a cat does for a mouse.
They came on cold and rainy days and throwed them from their house.
Mothers with newborn babies, so innocent and so sweet,
Without the least protection were cast out in the street.

And as I look around me and see the same thing near,
I wonder what would happen if Daddy could be here
With some of his old buddies of nineteen and thirteen
For he could not stand to see little children treated mean.

On February the seventh, eleven o’clock at night,
The sky was clear and beautiful, the stars were shining bright.
The high sheriff and his gunmen up from Charleston came
And shot up our village from that fatal Bull Moose train.

My Daddy heard the shooting and rushed us from our bed
And a few moments later he was found dead.
While trying to get us to safety and find for us a place
An explosive rifle bullet had torn away his face.

Don’t weep for me or Mother, although you might feel bad,
Just try to help keep alive some other boy’s dad.
And when we meet in heaven, on that golden strand,
Then you can see my Daddy and clasp his blessed hand.

Continue reading “WE NEVER FORGET: Night of February 7, 1913, Holly Grove, West Virginia, Francis Estep Shot Down by Gunthugs, Leaving Behind Pregnant Wife and Small Child” →

Hellraisers Journal: Senators Leave “Barbarous West Virginia” after Coal Operator Insults Senator James Martine

Janet RayeHellraisers Journal
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Poem for Child of Cesco Estep, Clifford Allan Estep, by Walter Seacrist, wvgw net—————

Hellraisers Journal – Friday June 20, 1913
Charleston, West Virginia – Senate Investigation to be Transferred to Washington

From the Chicago Day Book of June 18, 1913:

WV Sen Com 1913, Sen Martine v Quinn, DyBk Cv, June 18, 1913

—–

Senate Committee to Investigate WV Coal Mine War, Franklin PA Eve Ns, p1, June 10, 1913
Senate Committee to Investigate West Virginia’s Coal Mine War

—–

SENATORS QUIT BARBAROUS WEST VIRGINIA
AFTER MILLIONAIRE INSULTS MARTINE

Charleston, W. June 18,-The United States senate investigation of the reign of terror imposed on the coal miners of West Virginia by Standard Oil has come to an almost unbelievable end.

A United States senator, one of the committee of investigation, was insulted openly yesterday by a Standard Oil capitalist

He was prevented from retaliating physically only by the strenuous efforts of another United States senator.

Now the members of the senate committee decline to stay on the ground and show that it does not pay to insult a senator of the United States in the discharge of his duty to the people.

The senate probe into the coal mine strike and the red sign of the mine guards is to be transferred to Washington immediately.

It is needless to say that the United States senator who was insulted yesterday was Martine of New Jersey.

The other members of the subcommittee that has been investigating the strike and the reign of the mine guards are Swanson and Kenyon. Swanson is a corporation man; Kenyon is a lawyer.

Martine is a farmer, and an honest man, and a human being. For which several reasons he tried to get the truth about the West Virginia situation, and on finding it, spoke his mind about it

The man who insulted him was Quinn Morton, millionaire coal mine owner, who used to ride on the armored train from which the mine guards devastated the villages of the miners and which the miners called the “Death Special.”

Here are the things that led up to Quinn Morton’s insult of yesterday:

Annie Hall, of Holly Grove, miner’s wife, had told the committee how the mine owners’ armored train, with all lights extinguished, had swept through Holly Grove on the night of February how she had got her children out of bed at the first sound of the mine owners’ machine guns and hidden them in the fireplace, before which she herself had taken her stand, and how, despite her precautions, she was shot in the foot by a stray bullet.

Other witnesses had told similar stories of this night of terror with an armored train, carrying two machine guns, swept through a sleeping village.

Tom L. Feltz, head of the Baldwin-Feltz detective agency, which supplied the mine owners with thugs, had testified that the machine guns used on the armored train were supplied to his men by the mine owners.

Lee Calvin, who formerly worked for the mine owners as a guard, but got sick of his job, had sworn that Quinn Morton, millionaire’ mine owner, was aboard the armored train the night the machine guns raked Holly Grove.

Calvin also had sworn that after the armored train, with all its lights extinguished, had swept through the little tent village of miners, Quinn Morton turned around to Sheriff Bonner Hill and told him to “turn back and give them another shot.”

“If it had not been for Sheriff Bonner Hill this would have been done,” said Calvin.

Calvin gave this testimony last Saturday night.

“God, what kind of a man is this Morton?” asked Senator Martine at the time, and the hired attorneys of the Standard Oil coal mine owners, cried aloud in protest

Morton himself then was called to the stand yesterday.

Senator Kenyon began questioning him, and Senator Kenyon, being a lawyer, was very gentle, with the witness.

But the memory of that darkened armored train sweeping through Holly Grove was rankling in Senator Martine’s mind.

So Martine interrupted to ask whether Morton had countenanced the use of the machine guns on the armored train and what his opinion was of such “barbarous methods as shooting up tents occupied by women and children.”

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: Senators Leave “Barbarous West Virginia” after Coal Operator Insults Senator James Martine” →