Hellraisers Journal – Sunday September 28, 1902 “The Anthracite Coal Strike” by Comrade William Mailly, Part II
From the International Socialist Review of August 1902:
The Anthracite Coal Strike.
[-by William Mailly] ———-
[Part II of II]
Socialist Spirit, July 1902 Comrade Mailly, now in field of great anthracite coal strike.
This somewhat lengthy and yet incomplete explanation of the strike situation has been necessary in order that outsiders can understand why the Socialist agitators received such a warm welcome in the strike region. We came with a new message to the strikers and they heard us gladly. Thrown into the position of fighting simply to save the union that had protected them for two years, harassed and antagonized by the business men whom they had formerly believed their friends, deserted and deceived by the politicians who had always proclaimed themselves their champions, misrepresented and discouraged by the papers they had always supported, they were ready to listen to those who came and spoke the truth. In my experience I have never seen men who listened so eagerly and with such unfeigned enthusiasm to the Socialist presentation of the situation as did these strikers.
But the way had been prepared for us. “Mother” Jones had not been through the region for nothing. Everywhere she had left a trail of Socialist books and papers behind her. Few of the officials but had subscribed for a paper, and many of the miners received one she had subscribed for for them. And “Mother” Jones’ name is a talisman that opens the hearts of the anthracite miners to any Socialist that comes to educate and not abuse.
Then National Secretary Greenbaum’s “strike bulletins,” following upon his messages of friendship to the miners’ conventions, had also familiarized the name of the Socialist Party. These bulletins were much appreciated and made a good impression.
It did not take long, therefore, for the Socialist agitators to secure a hearing. Nothing could more emphasize the different effect produced by the Socialist Labor Party [SLP] tactics and those of the Socialist Party [of America, SPA] than the treatment accorded our representatives. Wherever I went in the region I heard stories of how the S. L. P. agitators had made themselves obnoxious by their attacks upon the union and their efforts to disorganize the men. It sometimes became necessary to explain the difference in the parties to enquirers who classed all Socialists as “union wreckers.”
I think the members of the Socialist Party are justified in believing that the presence of their representatives in the field was beneficial to the strike and the miners’ union. We preached the necessity of Solidarity and explained the industrial situation so that the miners could not help but become imbued with an increased faith in themselves. They were not slow to acknowledge this, and to show their approval of what we said. It became a very easy matter to get up a meeting for a Socialist speaker and, in some cases, men were known to walk several miles to hear us. The Socialists presented the case with a force and clearness that went home and made, I am sure, a lasting impression, especially as the situation provided all the necessary features for Socialist arguments of unlimited length.
There was no antagonism to the Socialists exhibited by any of the officials. On the contrary, there was an evident desire to allow us to be heard, and local officials gave us much assistance. Personally I received a letter from President Mitchell introducing me to the locals, which, as representative of the “Worker,” was of great help to me. I did not have to use the letter to get up meetings. Just as soon as it was learned I was a Socialist and “all right,” meetings were arranged for me. There was no danger of not having anything to do.
Wherever Vail, Spargo, Geiger and Collins had spoken, the same encomiums of their work were heard. We had a clear field, for none of the capitalist party politicians were in sight, and the miners were in the mood for the truth. Collins couldn’t begin to organize locals fast enough, and he’ll probably never do harder or better work again. Fortunately, we had comrades at Carbondale and Wilkesbarre, who took advantage of every opportunity presented.
Two things are to be regretted. First, that more agitators could not be kept in the field, and second, that more literature and better facilities for handling it could not be provided. I was never more impressed with the necessity of a well-formed, efficiently conducted Socialist organization. The national and State officials of the party did their utmost, but their hands were tied for lack of funds. I am of the opinion that half a dozen good Socialist agitators, speaking different languages, following each other through the region, would do more toward winning the strike than all the money the Socialist Party can give to a strike relief fund. The demand for literature cannot begin to be filled. The miners are reading and discussing what they read as never before. Such an opportunity to reach a large number of workingmen so receptive and hungry for knowledge will seldom be presented again. As it is, we can feel that not only have we done our utmost to propagate Socialism, but we have also inculcated into the hearts and minds of thousands of workingmen the true spirit of the class struggle and some conception of the prevailing industrial phenomena.
A final word about the strike itself. That the conditions around the mines justify organization goes without saying. Nevertheless, I believe these conditions might have been endured a while longer if tyranny had not been exercised to such an extent. To be continually insulted and reviled when seeking redress, to be cursed by the boss and subjected to his open contempt, to be ignored by the employer when seeking recognition—this was more than the miners could stand forever. The union has offered them the only medium of expression for their grievances, the only form of protection from the domineering of under bosses and the larger tyranny of the operators they have ever had. The strike is the harvest of years of arbitrary and selfish corporate misrule.
Whatever the outcome may be, the fact that the fight is one to preserve the right to organize should be of encouragement to all Socialists. There is one thing also of which I am morally certain: that, even if the strike be lost, the union will not wholly be destroyed. It has the elements of permanency in it, for men like those to be found in the anthracite region are not conquered by one defeat. The union is there to stay, no matter how this strike may result or who the officers may be. The seed of Solidarity is too deeply planted to be uprooted and destroyed so easily as the mine owners wish. And if the Socialists have only succeeded in planting that seed a little deeper, this alone should recompense us for any money or energy expended during the strike.
Hellraisers Journal – Tuesday November 9, 1909
Western Federation of Miners Reports Execution of Prof. Ferrer
From The Miners Magazine of October 21, 1909:
Francisco Ferrer Spanish Martyr.
America gave a gasp of horror this morning when it read that Spain had condemned Francisco Ferrer to be shot for the crime of spreading intelligence in that country, says the Chicago Socialist.
“That would be going back ten centuries in the progress of civilization,” declared Dean Albion W. Small of the Chicago University graduate school and head of its department of sociology, when told of the death sentence that had been passed on Ferrer. “To execute a man of Ferrer‘s character and position would be a reversion to the dark ages,” he continued. “It would be a blot on the page of progress of today. I certainly do protest against it. I will join in any general protest that is made.”
“I also wish to join in any protest that is being made to save Ferrer from the sentence of execution that has been passed upon him. It is the duty of every man to protest,” said Dr. Herbert F. Fisk, head of the department of education at Northwestern University.
Numerous other educators of Chicago were equally emphatic in their denunciation of the tactics pursued by the Spanish government in seeking the death of one who is doing so much for the enlightenment of the human race. They were unanimous in their protest against a government so backward as to desire the destruction of one of its greatest intellectual leaders.
The feeling with which the death sentence that had been passed on Ferrer was received was akin to horror. It was known that Ferrer was in prison, the climax of several years of persecution by the church and government officials of Spain. It was known that his death was desired by many. It was not believed, however, that they would go so far as to make Ferrer a martyr in the face of the combined protest of civilized Europe.
Ferrer is looked upon in this country as the John Dewey of Spain. As Prof. Dewey of Columbia University urged his ideas in education in this country, so Ferrer has introduced modern education into Spain. It is considered that Spain is now in a position where the United States would be if it sought Dewey’s life because of his ideas on the education of children.
Since the execution of Ferrer there has been rioting in many cities in Spain, France, Italy, Belgium and other continental countries; Spaniards have had to bear the brunt of assaults by the enraged populace, and soldiers have with difficulty dispersed angry multitudes. It is feared that the martyrdom will result in further violence, loss of life and destruction of property.
Hellraisers Journal – Saturday January 18, 1919
Chicago, Illinois – National Labor Convention for Mooney Hears from Radicals
From The Butte Daily Bulletin of January 16, 1919:
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(Special Dispatch to The Bulletin.)
Chicago, Jan. 16.-At this morning’s session of the Mooney Labor Congress Ed Nolan scored the capitalist press on its criticism of the invitation of Debs and its attempt to give a sense of dissension among the delegates. Debs’ name was again greeted with tumultuous applause. It was moved that the Nonpartisan league be given the floor. The motion was defeated. Dunn of Butte moved to give the Detroit delegate the floor. The Detroit leader clearly outlined the program before the convention as follows:
No political begging, a general strike to free Tom Mooney and also to take a stand to free political prisoners and recognize Russia; reorganize the American Federation of Labor on an industrial basis.
You ought to be out raising hell.
This is the fighting age.
Put on your fighting clothes.
-Mother Jones
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Hellraisers Journal, Friday May 3, 1907
From the Montana News: Organized Labor Plans Protests
Massive protests parades in support of the officials of the Western Federation of Miners, now imprisoned in Boise, Idaho, will take place this weekend in New York City and in Boston. This week’s Montana News describes the preparations now underway:
Undesirable Citizens
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Action Taken by Organized Labor to
Resent the Insult of Roosevelt
and to Insure Justice
“Undesirable citizens” clubs were started throughout the country yesterday. In Chicago members of the Moyer-Haywood conference prepared to order a supply of buttons for organized working men bearing the Words: “We are undesirable citizens.”
This is intended to amalgamate the men branded by President Roosevelt as “undesirable citizens” and show that the men be puts such a brand on are really the men who do the world’s work, the men who always stand as a class for lofty measures in public life and progress of the human race.
In New York plans are made to place 100,000 badges on the men who will parade in protest against the mine owners’ conspiracy to hang Mover, Haywood and Pettibone.
The New York Plan.
New York.—The executive committee of the Moyer and Haywood protest committee called off its expedition to the White House. In a statement the committee declared: “Only the respect in which we hold the presidential office restrains us from characterizing Roosevelt’s assertion by the term which the incumbent of that office so frequently employs—’an in famous lie.'”
The committee of three named to call upon Roosevelt will read a report at the next meeting of the organization Sunday morning. An order was placed today for 10,000 buttons bearing the inscription:
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