Hellraisers Journal: Charles Town, West Virginia, Stage Set for Trial of Miners; Nine Miners Marched Through Town in Chains

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Quote Wm C Blizzard, Nine Miners in Chains Charles Town WV Apr 23, 1922, When Miners March p294—————

Hellraisers Journal – Tuesday April 25, 1922
Charles Town, West Virginia – Stage Set for Trial of Miners

From the Baltimore Sun of April 24, 1922:

HdLn Charles Town WV Stage Set for Trial of Miners, Blt Sun p1, Apr 24, 1922

(From a Staff Correspondent.)

Charles Town, W. Va., April 23.-Excited, nervous, confident here, depressed there, a small army of defendants, witnesses, attorneys and newspaper men has taken possession of Charles Town on the eve of the trials of more than 200 men on charges including treason, murder and conspiracy, growing out of the “armed march” from Marmet on Logan county last summer.

It is estimated that fully 1,000 persons are in the little county seat of Jefferson county in connection with the trials.

Trials Are Sole Topic.

All over town, in the lobbies of the hotels, on street corners, gathered in knots here and there, they are discussing one thing-the trials. They have been arriving since Friday. A grim incident this morning was the arrival of nine men in handcuffs from Logan county. They were those who are unable to get bail after being indicted in Logan last year. They were escorted to the Charles Town jail.

Central figures in the whole West Virginia industrial controversy already are in town and others are expected tomorrow and on succeeding days. There is C. Frank Keeney, president of District No. 17, United Mine Workers, and the man, who, it is believed, will be the target for the heaviest artillery of the prosecution. He faces a charge of treason and is alleged to have instigated and aided the alleged insurrection. With him are Mrs. Keeney and their son. He is at one of the hotels, smiling and high-spirited as usual.

There is Fred Mooney, secretary of District No. 17, also charged with treason. He is a bit more self-contained than Keeney, yet you would scarcely know he was to be tried on a charge that might bring his neck into a noose.

Scores Of Notables Present.

There is H. W. Houston, chief counsel for the defense, often called the “brains of the United Mine Workers in West Virginia.” There is William Blizzard, accused of being the “generalissimo of the insurrection.” There are a half-dozen special lawyers engaged by the prosecution, famous in the annals of West Virginia criminal procedure. There are scores of others of lesser prominence, though all are well enough known in their localities.

Before the week is out, Gov. E. F. Morgan will be here, having been subpoenaed by both sides. William M. Wiley, of Sharples, picturesque figure among the operators, around whose mines the fighting raged last summer, will be called. John L. Lewis, international president of the United Mine Workers, will be here Tuesday.

One big, outstanding figure, however, from all that can be learned, will not be here. He is not here tonight and it is reported he will not come. That is Don Chafin, Sheriff of Logan county. Chafin has been for years the bete noir of the United Mine Workers. He has worked against them, resisted two armed marches, and in general earned for himself the undying hatred of many connected with the big mine union…..

—————

[Emphasis added.]

From the Baltimore Sun of April 23, 1922:

Keeney, Mooney to Charles Town WV for Trial, Blt Sun p9, Apr 23, 1922

In the center is C. Frank Keeney, president of District 17, United Mine Workers of America, and active leader of the union forces of Southern West Virginia. Mr. Keeney has been indicted in Logan county for treason and conspiracy. He has also been indicted in Kanawha county for alleged conspiracy and in Mingo county on charges of murder. At the left is Fred Mooney, secretary-treasurer of District 17, United Mine Workers, with headquarters at Charleston. Within 10 miles of the capital the armed march on Logan county started last fall. Mr. Mooney faces charges of treason and conspiracy. At the right is William M. Wiley. He lives in Sharples, W. Va., on the Boon-Logan county line, where the battle raged over a front of 25 miles in the wilderness. He is vice-president of the Kanawha Coal Operators’ Association and vice-president of the Boone County Coal Corporation, with five large operations on the organized edge of Logan county. He employs 1,500 union miners. He will be a principal witness in the trials at Charles Town. He gave sensational testimony before the Senate Committee on Education and Labor in Washington recently, which investigated the armed march, and of which committee former Senator Kenyon was chairman.

[Emphasis added.

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: Charles Town, West Virginia, Stage Set for Trial of Miners; Nine Miners Marched Through Town in Chains”

Hellraisers Journal: Whereabouts and Doings of Mother Jones for September 1921, Part II: Found Denouncing the Private Army of Gunthugs Ruling West Virginia

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Quote Mother Jones re RR Men Haul Gunthugs n Scab Coal, Coshocton Tb OH p3, Sept 17, 1921—————

Hellraisers Journal – Thursday February 9, 1922
Mother Jones News Round-Up for September 1921, Part II
Found Denouncing Government by Gunthug in the State of West Virginia

From The New Castle Herald of September 6, 1921:

MOTHER JONES HAS SOLUTION

DECLARES FORCE OF RIGHT MUST SUPPLANT
RIGHT OF FORCE IN WEST VIRGINIA
———-

By HARRY HUNT

Mother Jones, Lecompton KS Sun p10, Sept 8, 1921

WASHINGTON Sept. 6.-“The secretary of war doesn’t understand. The president doesn’t understand.”

There is a great wrong being perpetrated in West Virginia. This wrong will not be corrected by jailing miners or shooting them. It will be settled only by social and industrial justice.

It was ”Mother” Jones speaking. She had just left the office of Secretary of War Weeks, where she had gone to protest against the sending of federal troops into the zone of the West Virginia mine war. 

“Just what is the situation?” she was asked. “You were there last week. What is the trouble?”

[Mother Jones replied:]

The miners under arms in West Virginia are not fighting the government, either state or nation. But they are determined to defend themselves from the oppression and domination of the hired gunmen of the mine operators who constitute a private army of the interests in West Virginia.

Companies Obdurate

The government rendered a decision on the wage question in this district in 1919. But the mine companies have not recognized the authority of the government in that decision and have not followed it.

The men, being Americans, revolted. They sent out word asking to be organized.

Then they were thrown out of the miserable company shacks in which they lived.

The mine workers in this district are robbed to pay an army of professional murderers, maintained to keep the workers in subjection.

The money that ought to go to the miner who slaves underground is diverted to maintain gunmen to enforce the demands of greedy overlords of industry.

The fathers want that money, which they earn, to help educate their children, to improve their homes, to get churches and schools and the rights of American citizens.

Force of Right 

The trouble in West Virginia must be settled by the force of right, not by the right of force.

You can shoot down these men in West Virginia, but they will rise again against the outrage of being robbed to pay a private army to enforce the brutal demands of coal operators.

If the employers can form their army, the workers naturally think they can do the same. That’s logical, isn’t it?

And that situation is the ulcer from which flows all the poison. Until it is removed, there will be no peace.

Fought Same Battle

We fought this fight out in the Kanawah and New River fields 23 years ago. We had a few battles. A good many of us were put in jail. I was carried 84 miles to jail myself, to get me out of the zone where it was thought I would be troublesome.

But we got the whole of these fields organized. The gunmen had to leave. The men began to get their pay in Uncle Sam’s currency, not in company money that could only be spent at company stores.

They are living in peace today in the Kanawha and New River fields and in the Fairmont district. Their homes are happier, their work better, the relations of the men and their employers more just.

But along the Norfolk & Western in the Mingo fields, a private army rules.

—————

[Photograph added.]

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: Whereabouts and Doings of Mother Jones for September 1921, Part II: Found Denouncing the Private Army of Gunthugs Ruling West Virginia”

Hellraisers Journal: Senator Kenyon, as Head of Investigation, Makes Individual Report on Conflict in Mingo County

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Quote Mother Jones, WDC Tx p15, Aug 26, 1921—————

Hellraisers Journal – Saturday January 28, 1922
Senator Kenyon Advocates Tribunal and Coal Code to Settle West Virginia Troubles

From the Washington Evening Star of January 27, 1922:

KENYON ADVOCATES TRIBUNAL AND
CODE FOR COAL INDUSTRY
———-

Senator, as Head of Inquiry,
Makes Individual Report
on Mingo Conflict.

WV Battle by Shields, Same Old Line Up by B Robinson, Lbtr p19, Oct 1921

A government tribunal for regulation of the coal Industry under a statutory code of industrial law enforced only by power of public opinion was recommended in a report presented to the Senate today by Chairman Kenyon of the labor committee, which recently investigated disorders in the West Virginia-Kentucky coal fields.

The report held that both the coal operators and miners were responsible for the recent fatal conflicts and property destruction in West Virginia, and said mutual concessions by the coal operators and United Mine Workers would have to be made to end the conflict.

“The issue is perfectly plain,” said Senator Kenyon’s report. “The operators in this particular section of West Virginia…openly announce…that they will not employ men belonging to the unions,…and further, that they have the right and will exercise it, if they desire, to discharge a man if he belongs to the union. …On the other hand, the United Mine Workers are determined to unionize these fields, which are practically the only large and important coal fields in the United States not unionized.”

His Personal Suggestion.

The proposal for a federal coal tribunal and code of laws applying both to operators and miners was his personal suggestion, Senator Kenyon said. Other members of the investigating committee did not sign the report, and are at liberty to submit individual reports.

[…..]

Battle of Blair Mt, WV Today by Bushnell, Guards, Gunthugs, Spies, UMWJ p5, Sept 15, 1921

[Photographs and emphasis added.]

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: Senator Kenyon, as Head of Investigation, Makes Individual Report on Conflict in Mingo County”

Hellraisers Journal: Whereabouts and Doings of Mother Jones for July 1921: Found Attending Senate Hearings on Conditions in the Coal Fields of West Virginia

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Quote Mother Jones, Doomed, Wmsn WV, June 20, 1920, Speeches Steel, p213—————

Hellraisers Journal – Thursday December 22, 1921
Mother Jones News Round-Up for July 1921
Found in Washington, D. C., at Senate Hearings on Conditions in W. V. Coal Fields

From The Cincinnati Enquirer of July 15, 1921:

Unionization Back of Strife,
Senate Mingo Inquiry Shows
—————

Mother Jones, ed WDC Tx p2, Aug 29, 1920

SPECIAL DISPATCH TO THE ENQUIRER.

Washington, July 14.-In the opening hour of its investigation to-day the select Senate committee investigating conditions in the West Virginia coal fields, elicited from spokesmen for operators and for the miners the admission that the virtual warfare there centers about unionization of the fields.

At the prompting of Senator William S. Kenyon, of Iowa, the committee Chairman, both agreed that unionization is “the issue.” 

[…..]

A distinctly West Virginia atmosphere permeated the committee room.

Attorneys for both factions were powerful man, husky voiced and tanned. Others present were: Sid Hatfield, former Chief of Police of Matewan, who participated in the gun battle there; Frank Keeney, President of the district organization; Samuel B. Montgomery, state labor leader; Sheriff Jim Kirkpatrick and Mother Jones, silvery haired matriarch of labor welfare.

Secretary Mooney described general conditions in the mining region and paralleled them with the situation there in 1913 when a Senate Committee investigated.

[…..]

—————

[Photograph added.]

From The Scranton Times of July 16, 1921:

Sid Hatfield Describes Pistol Battle In Mingo
—————

Takes Stand In Senate Committee’s Probe of Strike Trouble
-Denies He Took Credit For Killing Detectives.

Washington, July 16.-“Sid” Hatfield, ex-chief of police of Matewan, W. Va., today took the stand in the senate labor committee’s investigation of the Mingo mine war.

Word that the member of the famous West Virginia family was testifying spread through the capitol and the room soon was soon crowded.

“Mother” Jones pitched her chair closer to the witness table to catch what the man who is under indictment on charge of shooting Baldwin Felts detectives would say.

Without the slightest sign of nervousness the lanky, blonde mountain youth described the pistol battle in which he was the central figure. His suit was neatly pressed and a Masonic charm dangle from his watch chain. His quick gray eyes watched the members of the committee intently and he frequently gave a sneering laugh at questions from counsel for the operators…..

—————

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: Whereabouts and Doings of Mother Jones for July 1921: Found Attending Senate Hearings on Conditions in the Coal Fields of West Virginia”

Hellraisers Journal: From The Survey: “West Virginia, The Civil War in Its Coal Fields” by Winthrop D. Lane, Part I

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Quote Mother Jones, Doomed, Wmsn WV, June 20, 1920, Speeches Steel, p213—————

Hellraisers Journal – Sunday October 30, 1921
Winthrop D. Lane on West Virginia’s Coal Field War, Part I

From The Survey of October 1921:

WV Civil in Coal Field, Title, by Winthrop Lane, Survey p177, Oct 1921

[Part I of III.]

WV Mingo Tent Dweller, Survey p177, Oct 29, 1921

THE leaves are just beginning to turn on the steep hills which overlook the winding, narrow valleys of western West Virginia. Here lie some of the richest seams of bituminous coal in the world. Nature, as if to conceal her treasure, has covered all with a thick verdure of trees, impenetrable to the eye. But man has found his way into her recesses and has tunneled and bored her mountains until she has yielded her bounty. To do this an army of workmen has been employed, whose occupations have taken them underground, where day is turned into night. For thirty years many of these men have been engaged in a conflict with their employers over their right to belong to the mine workers’ union.

I have just visited the latest scenes of this conflict. Ten months ago I had spent several weeks there at a time when the huge mouths of black mines gaped in snow-clad hills. During the interval one county has been placed under martial law; violence has been rampant in a part of the state; federal troops have been called in and are still there; thousands of miners have joined in across-country march in protest against what they regarded as a violation of the rights of their fellows; engagements have been fought with airplanes and machine-guns. The conflict is farther from settlement than ever. Animosities have become keener; the atmosphere of the struggle has grown more intense. There are more arms in the troubled regions of West Virginia today, I think, than ever before.

Force is the weapon chiefly relied upon to settle the dispute.When it is not force of a direct kind, it is indirect force or repression. Jails stand crowded. Arrests are made on a wholesale scale. Grand juries vie with each other in returning indictments. The state is reorganizing her national guard. These measures are wholly divorced from any general or peaceful plan of adjustment. The acme of statesmanship seems to lie in suppressing disorder. As one goes about the state, he finds a sinister and corroding cynicism in the minds of many people. Weary of the long struggle, they no longer expect an immediate or friendly settlement. The causes of the conflict grow and fester while only the surface manifestations are given attention. Every step in the direction of settlement is a step toward the use of force, and it is force that has brought the struggle to its present proportions.

There is a tragic interest in some of the features of the conflict. Miners who joined the union and were refused recognition by the operators went on strike. They were compelled to leave their company owned houses, and are still living with their families in tent colonies along the Tug River and on the hill sides of Mingo County. It was a surprise to see, after the lapse of ten months, the same faces peering out of the same tents that were exposed to the cold and wet last winter. For more than a year now many of these men, women and children have been living in their slight and flapping shelters; they have withstood every argument of weather and unemployment to return to work. Women held up their babies and asked the visitor to see how they had grown during the interval. Men explained that they had not been entirely idle, and pointed to new floors in their tents and to other improvements.

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: From The Survey: “West Virginia, The Civil War in Its Coal Fields” by Winthrop D. Lane, Part I”

Hellraisers Journal: Mrs. Sid Hatfield and Mrs. Ed Chambers Testify Before Senate Committe in Washington, D. C.

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Quote Sallie Chambers re Murder of Sid Hatfield n Ed, Blt Sun p2, Aug 5, 1921—————

Hellraisers Journal – Friday October 28, 1921
Washington, D. C. – Wives Charge Mine Guards with Cold-Blooded Murder

From the New York Daily News of October 26, 1921:

Jessie Hatfield Sallie Chambers, in WDC, NY Dly Ns p1, Oct 26, 1921

From the Baltimore Sun of October 26, 1921:

HdLn Jessie Hatfield n Sallie Chambers Testify WVCF Sen Com, WDC Oct 25, Blt Sun p1, Oct 26, 1921

(From The Sun Bureau.)

Washington, Oct. 25. -Mrs. Sid Hatfield and Mrs. Ed. Chambers today charged mine guards of the West Virginia operators with cold-blooded murder of their husbands both of whom were conspicuous in the Mingo county mine war and were among the acquitted defendants in the Matewan murder case. Hatfield and Chambers were killed recently at Welch, W. Va.

The two black-garbed widows testified before the Kenyon committee, which is investigating the mine war. Their testimony that their husbands were shot down while walking with them up the Courthouse steps in Welch followed immediately testimony from Attorney-General E. T. England, of West Virginia, that mine guards in Logan county beat and shot men down, drove out of the county visitors regarded as undesirable, including union organizers; practiced intimidation at the polls, interfered with the processes of justice and generally ran roughshod over the community…..

[Emphases added.]

—————

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: Mrs. Sid Hatfield and Mrs. Ed Chambers Testify Before Senate Committe in Washington, D. C.”

Hellraisers Journal: W. V. Attorney General England Blames Gunthugs Employed by Coal Operators for Lawlessness

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Quote Mother Jones, Powers of Privilege ed, Ab Chp III—————

Hellraisers Journal – Wednesday October 19, 1921
West Virginia’s Attorney General Puts Blame on Company Gunthugs 

From The Labor World of October 15, 1921:

WVCF Att Gen England re Gunthugs n Deputies Logan Co, LW p1, Oct 15, 1921

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: W. V. Attorney General England Blames Gunthugs Employed by Coal Operators for Lawlessness”

Hellraisers Journal: Sworn Affidavits Tell of Murder of Union Bricklayer in Logan County Jail by Deputies of Sheriff Chafin

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Quote FD Greggs re Death of P Comiskey, Logan County Jail Sept 1, Affidavit WV Sept 6, 1921—————

Hellraisers Journal – Tuesday October 18, 1921
Paul Comiskey, Union Bricklayer, Murdered in Logan County Jail

From The Nation of October 5, 1921:

WV Industrialism Gone Mad, IWW Comiskey Martyr, Ntn p372, Oct 5, 1921

THERE is just one point at issue in the whole sequence of violence and homicide that has led West Virginia into a state of virtual, although unacknowledged, civil war. It is the right to belong to a labor union as represented by the United Mine Workers of America. In the strife-torn territory—the southwestern counties of Mercer, McDowell, Logan, and Mingo—there are no demands for workers’ control, for higher wages or shorter hours. There is not even any immediate question of recognition of the union or collective bargaining.

It is important not to lose sight of this elementary fact in the detail likely to be uncovered in the promised investigation of the West Virginia situation by the Committee on Education and Labor of the United States Senate. Such an inquiry was begun in the summer but adjourned after a few days. Subsequently Senator Kenyon of Iowa and Senator Shortridge of California spent three days—September 18 to 20, inclusive in the coal fields of Mingo and Logan counties and a fourth in talking with State officials in Charleston. On this trip no formal hearings were held nor was any testimony taken under oath. The announced purpose was to get a picture of the country and to lay the base for a searching inquiry later on…..

Now as to suzerainty over county governments exercised by the coal companies and the use of hired gunmen. The two go hand in hand. The entire State of West Virginia has an unenviable reputation for control by the coal operators, but in the actual producing fields local government is at their mercy. Through their mines, their company-owned stores and dwelling houses, their subsidized preachers and teachers, the operators control the livelihood and the lives of virtually the whole population. Hence, politically, the region is their pocket borough. The operators admit and defend the practice of preserving order through deputy sheriffs, paid partially or entirely out of company funds. In addition to these privately-owned public officials, there are also mine guards, armed and exercising police functions without a vestige of authority. Among both these latter classes there are many men whose methods and records justify one in calling them thugs and gunmen. “Private detectives” of the Baldwin-Felts agency are used largely in Mercer, McDowell, and Mingo counties. They are not employed in Logan County. There Sheriff Don Chafin and his company-subsidized deputies rule supreme. When Senators Kenyon and Shortridge went into Logan County they sent word ahead that they especially wanted to see Chafin, but upon arrival he was not on hand and was reported to be away resting after his strenuous efforts in defending the county against invasion by the marching miners a few weeks previous.

His efforts then were indeed strenuous according to two affidavits filed with the Senatorial committee, Floyd D. Griggs, sworn before a notary public at Montgomery, West Virginia, on September 6, declares that he arrived in Logan on August 24 looking for work. Two minutes later he was arrested by a deputy sheriff and taken to the jail. Greggs then states:

On August 29th about 12:30 a. m. I was taken from jail by three armed deputies and taken to the County Court House and into the presence of Don Chafin, sheriff of Logan County, who pinned a white band around my left arm, and was then conducted by the aforesaid Don Chafin into another room of the Court House which was filled with arms and ammunition and told to select a Winchester rifle and go to the front to fight.

I told him that I carried a rifle for eighteen months in the Fifth Regiment, United States Marines, and that I did not intend to go out there and fight against a working man as I was a working man myself. He then drawed a .45 calibre revolver and putting the muzzle in my face told me that I would either fight or die. I told him to shoot as I was not going to fight. He then ordered me sent back to jail.

On Thursday, September 1st, about 7 p. m., I saw a union bricklayer [Paul Comiskey] from Huntington, W. Va., shot down in cold blood murder in the corridor of the jail, not three feet from my cell. Two shots were fired. Two deputies then taken the man that was shot by the feet and dragged him from the jail and across the C. and O. R. R. tracks toward the river.

Greggs concludes by saying that on the night of September 2 he was released by Don Chafin personally, who gave him fifteen minutes to get out of town and until daylight to get out of the county “or get my head blown off.” The affidavit of Greggs is corroborated by one made by Colmar Stanfield, another inmate of the jail at the time, who adds the details that the murdered man was a union bricklayer from Huntington and that he was shot because he refused to fight against the marching miners. Both affidavits name the man who did the shooting, but owing to the gravity of the charge and the absence of an indictment I omit it…..

—————

[Emphasis and paragraph break added.]

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: Sworn Affidavits Tell of Murder of Union Bricklayer in Logan County Jail by Deputies of Sheriff Chafin”

Hellraisers Journal: Senators Resume Investigation of West Virginia Coal Fields; Gunthugs Joining State Militia

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Quote West Virginia Miner re Gunthugs, LW p1, Sept 24, 1921—————

Hellraisers Journal – Sunday September 25, 1921
Mingo County, West Virginia – Senate Probe Resumes; Gunthugs Infest State Militia

From The Labor World of September 24, 1921:

Mingo Probe by Sen Com Continues, LW p1, Sept 24, 1921

Reports from the West Virginia mining region all tell of a peaceful situation. Those miners who had jobs have returned to work, the private gunmen are sleeping on their arms and the remaining 1,200 Federal troops are bivouaced amid the shady valleys and hillslopes of Boone and Kanawha counties. No further casualties have been reported General Bandholtz has been recalled to Washington by Secretary of War Weeks and the command of United States troops has been turned over to Col. Carl A. Martin, senior officer of the 19th Infantry.

A delegation of operators called on President Harding and Secretary Weeks with a request that the troops bet kept in the war zone until Governor Ephriam A. Morgan has organized two or three regiments of State militia authorized by the last session of the legislature. Miners claim that the State militia is being built up of men in the employ of the coal operators and deputy sheriffs who served under Don Chafin of Logan county during the “invasion.”

[Said one of the miners:]

I cannot see that it will improve the situation here by putting a militiaman’s uniform on a gunman. It does not change his nature or make him any less a gunman. The constables and Baldwin-Felts detectives will simply change their coats and be in one way or another the paid employes of the companies that they now are. Nothing will be better until the might of armed guards is supplanted by civil rights guaranteed to American citizens under the Constitution.

The Senate committee is now at West Virginia and will continue its investigation of the mining trouble. Senator Kenyon of Iowa is believed that if the public is made acquainted with the facts that such a storm protest will be aroused that the West Virginia officials will be forced to correct the evils complained of. Very little help can be expected in the way of national legislation.

Taking of testimony in the trial of cases growing out of the killing of ten men, seven of them Baldwin-Felts detectives, at Matewan last May, was postponed for a few days owing to illness in the family of Judge R. D. Baily.

—————

[Emphasis added.]

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: Senators Resume Investigation of West Virginia Coal Fields; Gunthugs Joining State Militia”

Hellraisers Journal: Senators Visit Lick Creek Tent Colony, Mingo County, West Virginia, Hear Miners’ Side of Story

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Quote Mother Jones, WDC Tx p15, Aug 26, 1921—————

Hellraisers Journal – Wednesday September 21, 1921
Lick Creek Tent Colony, Mingo County – Senators Hear Miner’ Side of Conflict

From the Baltimore Sun of September 19, 1921:

Mingo, HdLn Sens Visit Lick Creek Echols, Blt Sun p1, Sept 19, 1921

Williamson, W. Va., Sept. 18.-Senator Kenyon’s investigating committee, boiled down finally to himself and Senator Shortridge, of California, went among the people in the Lick Creek tent colony today to get the miners’ side of the underlying cause of industrial troubles in the Mingo region.

There was no comment from the committee after 50 or more men and women had been questioned. Tomorrow the operators will be heard and then Senator Kenyon and his associate will determine how far to proceed and where under the Senate resolution directing the inquiry.

The tent colony is populated by miners who have been on strike 14 months. The first of the group whose testimony was obtained was George Echols, a negro preacher, 75 years old, who showed the ragged gaps in his tent, put there, he testified, by “State constabulary or private guards.” Inside, the old man picked up his month-old baby, born in a home with only the earth as flooring, and proudly displayed it to Senator Shortridge as an evidence of healthy living outdoors in the Mingo Mountains.

Women Eager To Talk.

Wide slashes and bullet holes in other tents also were pointed out as alleged evidence of some of the colony’s hardships. News that the Senatorial party was on the way brought out a big attendance, the women being the most eager to talk. From individual groups the Senators tried to find out how the trouble might be settled. Most of the miners declared they had not been amply paid for their work; that while they might make $8 a day, expenses for tools, dynamite and other things cut the net to $3. Other alleged grievances were against the so-called “mine-guard” system, and the claim of the men that once they joined the union they were instantly fired.

The witnesses also complained that many men from the colony had been put in jail and not told of the charges against them. Howard Hanvers, one of the spokesmen, said they objected to enforcement of law by private guards.

“Have any mine guards been shot by miners?” Senator Kenyon asked, and the witnesses agreed that while they had heard such reports they had no direct knowledge.

Told Of Breedlove Murder.

The story of Alexander Breedlove, who was shot to death last June near the camp, when a 13-year-old boy, alone with him in a thicket begged that he be not deserted, was told in detail by half a dozen witnesses. The men said after Breedlove was captured he was given one minute to pray and fell dead with a prayer on his lips. Senator Kenyon found that the boy, Willie Hodges, lives in Huntington, and efforts will be made to get his testimony.

Just after his arrival Senator Kenyon was presented with a memorial from local counsel of the United Mine Workers, setting forth their side of the case along with a series of charges against the operators. The memorial covered broadly the same ground touched on by the union heretofore.

—————

[Emphasis added.]

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: Senators Visit Lick Creek Tent Colony, Mingo County, West Virginia, Hear Miners’ Side of Story”