Hellraisers Journal: Mine Workers’ Union Calls Off Strike in Mingo County, West Virginia; Tent Colonies to be Abandoned

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Quote Mother Jones, WDC Tx p15, Aug 26, 1921—————

Hellraisers Journal – Saturday October 28, 1922
Mingo County, West Virginia – United Mine Workers Calls Off Strike

From The West Virginian of October 27, 1922:

END OF TWO-YEAR STRIKE IN MINGO
STOPS MINE WAR
—————
Big Factor in Labor Disturbances in State
Passes Out of Existence.
———-

CHARLESTON, W. Va., Oct. 27.-Mingo County, greatest single factor in the labor disturbances of the Southern West Virginia coal fields, was free from the last vestige of its “mine war” today with the announcement made last night that the two year strike there had been abandoned by the United Mine Workers.

Mingo Co WV, Tent Colony, Map, WVgn p1, May 19, 1921

The announcement was first made at Williamson by R. B. White International organizer, on receipt of a letter from International President John L. Lewis, and was confirmed at district headquarters here by District Secretary Fred Mooney. The principal visible effect will be abandonment of the tent colonies maintained since the strike began, July 1, 1920, and the possible return to work in the non-union mines of the county of some of the 200 occupants of the colonies and of the strikers, whose numbers are variously estimated by union and operator authorities.

The attempted unionizing of the Mingo County mines was the beginning of a long series of events reaching their high points in the declaration of martial law and the “miner’s march” that was halted after a week’s fighting on the Logan-Boone County border in 1921. Out of evictions of miners’ families before the strike was called grew the famous Matewan street battle, when Baldwin and Felts detectives and inhabitants clashed with a death toll of ten and from that time on a series of disorders, including much shooting across the Tug River, separating West Virginia and Kentucky, caused a number of deaths. Martial law was declared May 19, 1921, and this proclamation was followed by another and the establishment of a military force June 27 of the same year, after the courts had held military occupation was necessary to martial law.

Rumors that union men were being mistreated in Mingo, coupled with the killing at Welch in August, 1921, of Sid Hatfield and Ed Chambers, chief figures in the Matewan battle, were given by union miners in other fields as the causes of the march late in August on which are based the trials of union officials now being held at Charles Town.

The announcement that the union had abandoned the strike came close on the heels of the repeal on October 17, this year, by Governor Morgan of the martial law proclamations that had been in force for fifteen months.

Mingo Co WV, Lick Creek Tents Destroyed, UMWJ p5, Aug 1, 1921

Union officials have declared that relief work in the tent colonies at one time was costing $25,000 a week and more recently was being conducted at a cost of $11,000 a week. The tent colonies also figured in the suit now pending in federal courts, known as the Borderland case, in which an injunction against the colonies was sought but was denied by the Circuit Court after having been granted in the District Court.

[Photographs and emphasis added.]

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Hellraisers Journal: “The Battle Ground of Coal” by James M. Cain-Union Organization and the Miners’ War in West Virginia

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Quote Fred Mooney, Mingo Co Gunthugs, UMWJ p15, Dec 1, 1920—————

Hellraisers Journal – Sunday October 8, 1922
“The Battle Ground of Coal” by James M. Cain

From The Atlantic Monthly of October 1922:

THE BATTLE GROUND OF COAL

BY JAMES M. CAIN

I

Battle of Blair Mt, WV Today by Bushnell, Guards, Gunthugs, Spies, UMWJ p5, Sept 15, 1921

As you leave the Ohio River at Kenova, and wind down the Norfolk and Western Railroad beside the Big Sandy and Tug rivers, you come into a section where there is being fought the bitterest and most unrelenting war in modern industrial history. The country furnishes a suitable setting. Rocky hills, small mountains, rise on each side. They are gashed by ‘creeks’; looking up these, you see that the wild region extends for miles back from the railroad. There is no soft, mellow outline about these hills. They are sharp and jagged; about their tops grows a stunted, scraggly forest. Their color is raw: glaring reds and yellows, hard, waterstreaked grays. Here and there you see the blue-black ribbon of coal.

In this untamed section of West Virginia two tremendous forces have staked out a battle ground. These are the United Mine Workers of America and the most powerful group of nonunion coal-operators in the country. It is a battle to the bitter end; neither side asks quarter, neither side gives it. It is a battle for enormous stakes, on which money is lavished; it is fought through the courts, through the press, with matching of sharp wits to secure public approval. But more than this, it is actually fought with deadly weapons on both sides; many lives have already been lost; many may yet be forfeited.

As the train carries you southeastward, you see some signs of it. You pass many coal mines, and some of these are closed down. At the stations, pairs of men in military uniform scrutinize all who alight. These are the West Virginia State Police; a strong force of them is on duty here, for bloodshed became so frequent that one of these counties, Mingo, was placed under martial law. You pass occasional clusters of tents-squalid, wretched places, where swarms of men, women, and children are quartered. Everywhere you are sensible of an atmosphere of tension, covert alertness, sinister suspicion. It is not by accident that these State policemen appear always in pairs.

If you get off the train at Williamson, county seat of Mingo, you will be at the fighting front. People there will tell you that this struggle has been going on for three years. They will tell you of the bloody day at Matewan, May 1920, when ten men, including the mayor of the town, fell in a pistol battle that lasted less than a minute.They will tell you of guerrilla warfare that went on for months; how Federal troops had to be called in twice. They will tell you of the ‘three days’ battle,’ which resulted, in May, 1921, in the declaration of martial law. Union partisans will tell you of the exercises on May 30 last, when the graves of a score of union fallen were decorated with all the ceremony accorded soldiers who have died for the flag. The operators will tell you of attacks from ambush: how their men have been shot down from behind; how witnesses for trials were mysteriously killed before they could testify. The atrocity list and quantity of propaganda give this war quite an orthodox flavor. It is very hard to sift out the truth.

II

Back in 1898, when the coal industry was quite as unsettled as it is now, the union and the big operators evolved a working plan to stabilize conditions and equalize opportunity. This was the conference in the Central Competitive Field, whereby a wage scale was arrived at for this region, and scales in all other union districts were computed by using this scale as a basis and making allowances for different operating conditions, freight rates, and so forth. This was in order to give all districts an equal chance at the market. Coal is probably the most fluid commodity sold: coal from one section competes with coal from another section remote from the first. It is not analogous to a trade-marked article, for which an arbitrary price can be obtained by advertising campaigns and kindred methods. No amount of advertising can make coal of a given grade from one section outsell the same grade from another section at a higher price. This peculiarity of the coal market was the reason for the basic wage-scale arrangement which gave all districts as nearly equal chances as possible, and precluded the possibility that a miscalculated rate might put whole mining fields out of business altogether.

The plan worked fairly well for a time. Within a few years, however, it was discovered that large new areas of coal lands had been developed, and that most of these were being worked with nonunion labor. They had been left out of the original calculation, largely because the existence of such large virgin fields was not known until after the opening of the present century. Some of them were in Pennsylvania, but most, and by far the largest, were in southern West Virginia. Employing nonunion labor, they worked at a lower wage-scale than the union areas, and had become a formidable factor in the industry, for they were underselling union coal constantly. In the years just preceding the war, their effect on the market-and particularly the greater number of days their labor worked during the year-had become definitely noticeable. During the war, there was demand for everybody’s coal, and there was no pinch then. The pinch came, however, in the year following the peace.

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: “The Battle Ground of Coal” by James M. Cain-Union Organization and the Miners’ War in West Virginia”

Hellraisers Journal: The Literary Digest: Treason, Reason, and the Acquittal of Blizzard at Charles Town, West Virginia

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Quote Fred Mooney, Mingo Co Gunthugs, UMWJ p15, Dec 1, 1920—————

Hellraisers Journal – Sunday June 18, 1922
Nations Newspapers Opine on Acquittal of William Blizzard

From The Literary Digest of June 17, 1922:

“TREASON” AND REASON

Billy Blizzard and Family, Lt Dg p14, June 17, 1922

THE NAME OF WILLIAM BLIZZARD, West Virginia miner, has been added to the few who have been tried in the United States for treason. Like most of the others, he was acquitted, yet, notes the Washington Herald, “there is plenty of reason to fear that if the case had been tried in Logan County he would have been found guilty and given the severest sentence possible on the treason charge.” That any fair-minded jury must acquit the youthful official of the United Mine Workers of America was obvious from the first to The Herald, the New York Times, and other papers, and why the indictment for treason was brought is more than The Times can understand. “Attorneys for Blizzard,” caustically observes the New York Evening World, “might have claimed that the crime charged was impossible, because no Government existed in West Virginia against which treason was possible.” “In fact,” agrees the New York Herald, “Government in West Virginia had broken down, and its power had passed in part to the mine operators.” The leaders of the union miners who marched against Logan and Mingo counties, last August, according to this paper, were manifestly trying to take the law into their own hands, “which the non-union coal operators, controlling the local government in the two counties, already had done.”

In the opinion of the conservative New York Times:

Whatever their offenses, the unionist miners and their leaders were not trying to subvert the Government of West Virginia in whole or in part. Logan County can scarcely be said to have been under the rule of law or to have had a republican form of government. Private war was answered by private war. Some constitutional guaranties appear to have been suspended by conspiracy of non-union operators. If there was any “treason,” it was on both sides; but there was no excuse for charging the leaders of the misguided invaders of Logan County with the highest of crimes.

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Hellraisers Journal: Blizzard Acquitted of Treason against the State of West Virginia, Given Wild Ovation by Supporters

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Quote Fred Mooney, Mingo Co Gunthugs, UMWJ p15, Dec 1, 1920—————

Hellraisers Journal – Monday May 29, 1922
Charles Town, West Virginia – Billy Blizzard Acquitted of Treason

From The Washington Times of May 28, 1922:

HdLn Blizzard Acquitted of Treason, WDC Tx p1, May 28, 1922

HdLn Juroros Free Blizzard, WDC Tx p1, May 28, 1922

By WARREN W. WHEATON.
International News Service Staff Correspondent.

CHARLES TOWN, W.Va., May 27.-William Blizzard, alleged generalissimo of the miners’ army which marched upon Logan county last summer and fought with deputy sheriffs until Federal troops were called out, was acquitted by a jury in circuit court here tonight of treason against the State of West Virginia.

Verdict is Popular.

The jury was given the case at 3:27 o’clock this afternoon. Six hours and ten minutes was consumed in attempting to arrive at a verdict, two hours of which was taken out for dinner.

Peaceful Charles Town broke into a riot of noise. The pandemonium which answered the verdict: “We find for the defendant,” extended outside the court room.

Blizzard was given a wonderful reception as he emerged from the little red court house, scene of a similar trial sixty-three years ago.

The jurors as they left the scene of their labors which extended over a month, were likewise cheered.

The little red courthouse is the identical spot where John Brown, famous abolitionist, was convicted of treason sixty-three years ago. Residents of peaceful Charles Town, which has been conspicuous in history since colonial days, flooded the courthouse tonight to await the second treason trial verdict ever returned in calm, quiet Jefferson county.

After the jury had once reported its inability to reach a verdict and court was recessed for dinner, a report emanating from official sources had the jury ten to two for acquittal.

When the jurymen filed out, an over-crowded courtroom in which women predominated, immediately broke into a buzz of conversation. Blizzard seemed least concerned of the big assemblage. He had in his lap his five-year old son, asleep most of the first hour of the jury’s deliberations.

Blizzard Is Calm.

His wife, her little girl clasped close to her, frequently lifted a dampened handkerchief to her reddened eyes in which the tears constantly welled.

Next to Mrs. Blizzard, sat Blizzard’s sixty-year-old mother, a thin, spectacled little woman, a wisp of gray creeping through her once blond hair which stood out conspicuously against the background of black clothing. Mrs. Blizzard’s mother completed the family circle.

As time wore on with no report from the jury, Blizzard went to an ante-room and conversed with friends. His little boy and girl playfully edged their way about the crowd which filled every available nook.

After an hour had elapsed a ripple of excitement spread through the courtroom. A verdict was expected, but the jury asked for a copy of Judge Woods’ instructions, which would shape the verdict and which they neglected to get before retiring.

Kisses His Wife.

Blizzard was among the calmest of the excited throng in the court room when the foreman of the jury announced the verdict. For a moment he seemed dazed and then as the full import of the finding was grasped he leaned over and kissed his wife, who was standing near. Then he shook the hands of his counsel and waved a greeting to the congratulations expressed by scores who have attended every session of the long trial.

Blizzard was given a wild ovation as soon as the jury was discharged by Judge Woods.

Billy Blizzard w Family, WDC Tx p3, May 28, 1922, w quote

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Hellraisers Journal: Miners’ Tent Colony at Mingo County, West Virginia, Saved, for Now, from Coal Operators’ Injunction Judge

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Quote Mother Jones, Powers of Privilege ed, Ab Chp III—————

Hellraisers Journal – Sunday April 30, 1922
Mingo County, West Virginia – Miners’ Tent Colony Saved, for Now

From the Duluth Labor World of April 29, 1922:

TENT-SMASHING JUDGE CHECKED
BY HIGH COURT
———-
Circuit Court Stays Order to Drive Miners
and Families From Tented Homes.
———-

RICHMOND, Va., April 27.—Federal Judge McClintic’s injunction to smash the Mingo tent colony has been ordered held up by Hon. Martin A. Knapp, judge of the federal court of appeals, fourth circuit.

Mingo County WV Tent Colony, Rock Is IN Argus p14, Apr 17, 1922

Judge Knapp’s decision stays this order until it can be heard by the court of appeals. McClintic is also ordered to scrap his injunction machine until the court of appeals reviews his acts.

Several years ago this federal court of appeals set aside the notorious “yellow dog” decision by Federal Judge Dayton, since deceased. This decision legalized the individual contract whereby each worker ac­cepting employment agreed not to join a trade union. The reasoning of the court of appeals was rejected by the United States supreme court, which upheld the “yellow dog.”

—————-

CHARLESTON, W. Va., April 27. —In holding up Federal Judge Mc­Clintic’s injunction to destroy the Mingo tent colony and stop union organizing, the federal court of ap­peals at Richmond has temporarily clipped the wings of a judge who is openly charged with receiving his present position as a reward for sub­serviency to coal owners while he was a member of the West Virginia state senate.

McClintic is recognized as the au­thor of the West Virginia jury law which permits the prosecution to take a man charged with crime out of his county into another county for trial.

Under this law, which is now in effect, the trial of a striking miner can be transferred to a county like Logan, which is under the complete domination of Baldwin-Feltz gun­men.

When McClintic was appointed last year the A. F. of L. made strong objection because of his bias in fav­or of coal owners. The latest exhi­bition of this bias was shown by his issuance of an injunction that would oust hundreds of miners and their families from the only homes they have and which are located on land leased by the union.

The trade, unionists, made no pro­gress in blocking McClintic’s in­dorsement by the senate because he was supported by the two West Vir­ginia senators-Messrs. Sutherland and Elkins.

—————

[Photograph and emphasis added.]

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Hellraisers Journal: Senator Kenyon, as Head of Investigation, Makes Individual Report on Conflict in Mingo County

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Quote Mother Jones, WDC Tx p15, Aug 26, 1921—————

Hellraisers Journal – Saturday January 28, 1922
Senator Kenyon Advocates Tribunal and Coal Code to Settle West Virginia Troubles

From the Washington Evening Star of January 27, 1922:

KENYON ADVOCATES TRIBUNAL AND
CODE FOR COAL INDUSTRY
———-

Senator, as Head of Inquiry,
Makes Individual Report
on Mingo Conflict.

WV Battle by Shields, Same Old Line Up by B Robinson, Lbtr p19, Oct 1921

A government tribunal for regulation of the coal Industry under a statutory code of industrial law enforced only by power of public opinion was recommended in a report presented to the Senate today by Chairman Kenyon of the labor committee, which recently investigated disorders in the West Virginia-Kentucky coal fields.

The report held that both the coal operators and miners were responsible for the recent fatal conflicts and property destruction in West Virginia, and said mutual concessions by the coal operators and United Mine Workers would have to be made to end the conflict.

“The issue is perfectly plain,” said Senator Kenyon’s report. “The operators in this particular section of West Virginia…openly announce…that they will not employ men belonging to the unions,…and further, that they have the right and will exercise it, if they desire, to discharge a man if he belongs to the union. …On the other hand, the United Mine Workers are determined to unionize these fields, which are practically the only large and important coal fields in the United States not unionized.”

His Personal Suggestion.

The proposal for a federal coal tribunal and code of laws applying both to operators and miners was his personal suggestion, Senator Kenyon said. Other members of the investigating committee did not sign the report, and are at liberty to submit individual reports.

[…..]

Battle of Blair Mt, WV Today by Bushnell, Guards, Gunthugs, Spies, UMWJ p5, Sept 15, 1921

[Photographs and emphasis added.]

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Hellraisers Journal: Whereabouts and Doings of Mother Jones for July 1921: Found Attending Senate Hearings on Conditions in the Coal Fields of West Virginia

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Quote Mother Jones, Doomed, Wmsn WV, June 20, 1920, Speeches Steel, p213—————

Hellraisers Journal – Thursday December 22, 1921
Mother Jones News Round-Up for July 1921
Found in Washington, D. C., at Senate Hearings on Conditions in W. V. Coal Fields

From The Cincinnati Enquirer of July 15, 1921:

Unionization Back of Strife,
Senate Mingo Inquiry Shows
—————

Mother Jones, ed WDC Tx p2, Aug 29, 1920

SPECIAL DISPATCH TO THE ENQUIRER.

Washington, July 14.-In the opening hour of its investigation to-day the select Senate committee investigating conditions in the West Virginia coal fields, elicited from spokesmen for operators and for the miners the admission that the virtual warfare there centers about unionization of the fields.

At the prompting of Senator William S. Kenyon, of Iowa, the committee Chairman, both agreed that unionization is “the issue.” 

[…..]

A distinctly West Virginia atmosphere permeated the committee room.

Attorneys for both factions were powerful man, husky voiced and tanned. Others present were: Sid Hatfield, former Chief of Police of Matewan, who participated in the gun battle there; Frank Keeney, President of the district organization; Samuel B. Montgomery, state labor leader; Sheriff Jim Kirkpatrick and Mother Jones, silvery haired matriarch of labor welfare.

Secretary Mooney described general conditions in the mining region and paralleled them with the situation there in 1913 when a Senate Committee investigated.

[…..]

—————

[Photograph added.]

From The Scranton Times of July 16, 1921:

Sid Hatfield Describes Pistol Battle In Mingo
—————

Takes Stand In Senate Committee’s Probe of Strike Trouble
-Denies He Took Credit For Killing Detectives.

Washington, July 16.-“Sid” Hatfield, ex-chief of police of Matewan, W. Va., today took the stand in the senate labor committee’s investigation of the Mingo mine war.

Word that the member of the famous West Virginia family was testifying spread through the capitol and the room soon was soon crowded.

“Mother” Jones pitched her chair closer to the witness table to catch what the man who is under indictment on charge of shooting Baldwin Felts detectives would say.

Without the slightest sign of nervousness the lanky, blonde mountain youth described the pistol battle in which he was the central figure. His suit was neatly pressed and a Masonic charm dangle from his watch chain. His quick gray eyes watched the members of the committee intently and he frequently gave a sneering laugh at questions from counsel for the operators…..

—————

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: Whereabouts and Doings of Mother Jones for July 1921: Found Attending Senate Hearings on Conditions in the Coal Fields of West Virginia”

Hellraisers Journal: Frank Keeney and Fred Mooney, Freed in Mingo County, Are Now Locked Up in Kanawha County Jail

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Quote Fred Mooney, Mingo Co Gunthugs, UMWJ p15, Dec 1, 1920———————-

Hellraisers Journal – Saturday November 5, 1921
Keeney and Mooney Locked Up in Kanawha County Jail

From The Washington Post of November 3, 1921:

MINE LEADERS FREED, REARRESTED; JAILED
———————-
Keeney and Mooney, Held in Mingo Case,
Now Face Logan Charges.

UMW D17, Mooney Keeney, Lbtr p9, Aug 1920

Charleston, W. Va., Nov. 4. (By the Associated Press).-President C. F. Keeney and Secretary Fred Mooney, of District 17, United Mine Workers of America, were brought here today from Williamson, W. Va., where they were earlier released from the county jail on $10,000 bail each. Later they were taken to the Kanawha county jail on charges connected with the march of armed men last August from Marmet to Madison.

Keeney and Mooney were indicted several months ago in connection with the industrial strife in Mingo county and have been in jail at Williamson since that time.

They also were indicted in this county and in Logan county in connection with the armed march. The indictments in Kanawha allege conspiracy and insurrection under the “red men’s act.” Prosecuting Attorney Burdett today set Novemer 28 as the tentative date for their trial.

Williamson, W. Va., Nov. 4.-C. F. Keeney and Fred Mooney, indicted in Mingo county in connection with the killing of two men during the recent disorders, were released from county jail here early today on $10,000 bond each. As soon as the bonds were executed deputies from Kanawha arrested them on charges in connection with the march of armed men from that county through Boone county in August. After the Kanawha capiases had been served, Keeney and Mooney were started for Charleston.

When the Kanawha deputies appeared late last night, accompanied by attorneys for the union leaders, they found only a clerk in the sheriff’s office. Sheriff A. C,. Pinson and Maj. Tom B. Davis, assistant adjutant general, Gov. Morgan’s personal representative in the martial law district, were in Logan, W. Va.

The attorneys produced an opinion by the Sate attorney general, holding that Logan warrants for the arrest of Keeney and Mooney, issued October 15 in connection with the armed march, were null and void because they had not been served within the stipulated time.

The sheriff’s clerk then communicated with Sheriff Pinson, Maj. Davis and Logan county officials by telephone and finally, with the sanction of the sheriff, the major, and the Logan authorities, the Kanawha warrants were served.

———————-

[Photograph added.]

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: Frank Keeney and Fred Mooney, Freed in Mingo County, Are Now Locked Up in Kanawha County Jail”

Hellraisers Journal: From The Survey: “West Virginia, The Civil War in Its Coal Fields” by Winthrop D. Lane, Part III

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Quote Mother Jones, Doomed, Wmsn WV, June 20, 1920, Speeches Steel, p213—————

Hellraisers Journal – Tuesday November 1, 1921
Winthrop D. Lane on West Virginia’s Coal Field War, Part III

From The Survey of October 1921:

WV Civil in Coal Field, Title, by Winthrop Lane, Survey p177, Oct 1921

[Part III of III.]

WV Mingo Tent Colony, Survey p182, Oct 29, 1921

What, meanwhile, has the state government been doing to bring peace and order to a situation so intense as this? For four months it has been maintaining martial law in Mingo County, for one thing. This is the third time within a year that some form of military control has been proclaimed in that strike-swept area; on the other two occasions federal troops were called in. Today the state is using its own forces, a rifle company of the national guard, which is now being reorganized. When a “three-days battle” occurred along a ten-mile front in Mingo County on May 12, 13 and 14, during which shots were exchanged by union and non-union elements, the tent colonies were fired into and damage was done to the property of coal companies, local authorities appealed to Governor E. F. Morgan to assist them. Governor Morgan, accordingly, proclaimed that a state of “war, insurrection and riot” existed in Mingo County, and directed Major Thomas B. Davis, acting adjutant-general, to proceed there and with the aid of the state constabulary and deputy sheriffs to place the region under martial law.

The legality of this procedure was assailed by the United Mine Workers of America when its members were arrested under the martial law proclamation. The state Supreme Court of Appeals held the edict invalid. The reason given by the court was that the proclamation could only be enforced by the occupancy of the zone covered by a military force, and that the state constabulary and deputy sheriffs were not a military force.

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: From The Survey: “West Virginia, The Civil War in Its Coal Fields” by Winthrop D. Lane, Part III”

Hellraisers Journal: From The Survey: “West Virginia, The Civil War in Its Coal Fields” by Winthrop D. Lane, Part II

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Quote Mother Jones, Doomed, Wmsn WV, June 20, 1920, Speeches Steel, p213—————

Hellraisers Journal – Monday October 31, 1921
Winthrop D. Lane on West Virginia’s Coal Field War, Part II

From The Survey of October 1921:

WV Civil in Coal Field, Title, by Winthrop Lane, Survey p177, Oct 1921

[Part II of III.]

WV Mingo Tent Dweller, Survey p177, Oct 29, 1921

Throughout the country today the bituminous coal fields are largely organized. Soft coal is produce in some twenty states. Such large coal-producing areas as Ohio, Indiana, Illinois and Western Pennsylvania have almost solidly accepted the union. The United Mine Workers of America is a relatively advanced element of the American labor movement. Its national body has demanded the nationalization of the coal mines and certain districts have begun to demand a share in the maintenance and control of production. Among the most important non-union fields are the Connellsville section in Pennsylvania, another strip along the Allegheny River, the Alabama fields, Utah, and these non-union areas of West Virginia. Bit by bit the union has succeeded in wresting one section after another of West Virginia. Bloody scenes have marked this progress at intervals. Today approximately half of the 95,000 miners in the state are members of the union. The unorganized portions are concentrated, for the most part, in the five counties of Logan, Wyoming, Mercer, McDowell and Mingo.

Who are the operators in this district that are so hostile to unionism? Not as much is known about the ownership of coal lands in West Virginia as might be. Some clue to the forces back of the struggle is gained, however, from the fact that the United States Steel Corporation is one of the largest owners of non-union coal land. Subsidiary companies of the corporation own 53,736 acres of coking coal land and 32,648 acres of surface coal land in Logan and Mingo counties combined, according to its annual report for 1919. In the Pocahontas field—chieflyMcDowell, Mercer and Wyoming counties—the corporation leases, through subsidiaries, 63,766 acres of the best coking and fuel property. The Norfolk and Western Railway Company, which traverses the Pocahontas field, is also heavily interested in coal lands in these parts. It owns nearly every share of the Pocahontas Coal and Coke Company, a leasing company, on whose lands upward of twenty-five mining companies operate. The Norfolk and WesternRailway Company is commonly understood to be controlled by the Pennsylvania Railroad. There are, of course, other large owners and many smaller ones. The resident owner is not scarce, but a great deal of the land in these regions is owned by absentee holders, living in other states and the large cities.

Continue reading “Hellraisers Journal: From The Survey: “West Virginia, The Civil War in Its Coal Fields” by Winthrop D. Lane, Part II”