Hellraisers Journal – Tuesday December 8, 1914 Denver, Colorado – J. F. Welborn Testifies Before Walsh Commission
J. F. Welborn
The testimony of J. F. Welborn, President of the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company, before the Commission on Industrial Relations, which was begun on Friday afternoon, continued all day Saturday. Welborn was grilled by Chairman Walsh regarding telegrams he had received from John D. Rockefeller, Jr, concerning the conduct of the strike and was requested to bring such telegrams forward.
The telegram from Mr. Rockefeller to Mr. Welborn, released by John R. Lawson to the press on the Friday, was identified by Welborn and entered into the record of the Commission by Chairman Walsh.
Pamphlets issued by the “Committee of Coal Mine Managers,” which contain errors regarding the salaries of U. M. W. of A. officials, including that of Mother Jones, were discussed. Welborn admitted that the pamphlets were prepared for the coal operators by a hired “press agent” whose identity has not, thus far, been revealed.
From The Cincinnati Enquirer of December 6, 1914:
ADVICE ———- On Strike in Colorado ————
Received From Rockefeller in New York, Welborn Testifies. ———- Coal Company Says “Press Agent” From Outside State Prepared Operators’ Pamphlets. ———-
SPECIAL DISPATCH TO THE ENQUIRER.
Frank P. Walsh
Denver, Colo., December 5.-“Is there anyone you communicate with in New York except John D. Rockefeller, Jr.?” Chairman Walsh, of the Federal Industrial Relations Commission, asked J. F. Welborn, President of the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company, who resumed his testimony to-day in the investigation of the Colorado mine strike.
Welborn said he had heard from George J. Gould and others of the seven New York Directors of the company.
“To save time I shall ask you to file with us all the telegrams you have received from Rockefeller, Star J. Murphy and Jerome Green,” said the Chairman.
“I will bring all the telegrams I have,” replied Welborn.
The witness then identified a telegram from John D. Rockefeller, Jr., made public yesterday by John R. Lawson of the United Mine Workers. “But I should not care to have the telegrams given out as this was yesterday,” he said.
[Note: the telegram, from Rockefeller to Welborn, was entered into the record by Chairman Walsh during his grilling of Mr. Welborn.]
Welborn said the company had thirteen Directors, seven living in New York, and six in Denver, that the meetings were held in Denver, and communication held with the Rockefeller interests as represented by Rockefeller, Murphy and Green.
Welborn was questioned regarding pamphlets entitled “The Truth About Colorado,” and “Facts About the Colorado Struggle.” He said he would assume responsibility for the document, the writer of which did not wish his name known.
The company, he said, had spent about $12,000 printing the bulletins, and had distributed about 40,000 copies to educators, legislators, ministers and the general public.
Questioned by Walsh, the witness admitted that some statements in the bulletin might not be strictly accurate.
The writer, Welborn said, was not in Colorado.
“Does he expect compensation for his work?”
“I don’t know,” said Welborn, “when his work is completed, I shall have to audit his bill.”
“Who contracted his employment?”
“There was no contract. There was an oral understanding that he was to be compensated later. He is still making statements for us. His work is not finished. I don’t know whether the company or some one interested in the company is going to pay him.”
Walsh called the attention of the witness to a table appearing in a pamphlet, giving the sums alleged to have been paid to national officers of the United Mine Workers. According to this table sums paid out in nine weeks were as follows:
Frank J. Hayes $4,502, plus $1,667 for expenses. John McLennan $2,683, plus $1,469 for expenses. John R. Lawson, $1,773. Mary Jones, $2,668.
“Do you accept the personal responsibility for this?” asked Walsh.
“For as much of the published statement as has not been denied,” replied Welborn.
“If it is true that McLennan gets $4 a day will you correct it?”
“Just as soon as I believe it is wrong.”
Commissioner O’Connell said that the figures given were from the report of William Green, secretary of the United Mine Workers, and covered total salary and expenses for one year, not nine weeks. The statement in the pamphlet, which alleged that the delegates to the Trinidad convention that called the strike were selected and sent there by the officers of the union, Welborn declared he could not substantiate.
The total loss to the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company caused by the strike was $800,000, Welborn said.
Hellraisers Journal – Monday June 8, 1914
New York City – Judge Lindsey Continues Before Commission on Industrial Relations
From the Washington Evening Star of May 21, 1914:
Rep. Keating, Judge Ben Lindsey, Rep. Kent, Mrs. Lindsey, Pearl Jolly, Mary Petrucci, Mary Thomas, Mrs. Lee Champion, Rachel and Olga Thomas —————
TESTIMONY OF JUDGE BEN B. LINDSEY, Part II
New York, New York, May 28, 1914
Judge Lindsey testified before the Commission on Industrial Relations during the afternoon session of May 28th. Present were Chairman Walsh, and Commissioners Ballard, O’Connell, Lennon, Garretson, and Harriman.
[Judge Lindsey continues:] It is well for the people of this country to know the violence of capital, the violence of corporations, that is silent, if you please, and not noisy like the violence they promote. I think, therefore, that they owe it to our people to consent to the appointment by the President of a board of arbitration, who will go out there and investigate those conditions and listen to both sides, and both sides being willing, assuming, of course, the board is fair and just and acceptable to both sides, to abide by the decision they may come to. And I think a great mistake is being made by the powers that control the industrial government of this country, the seat of which is here in New York, and is as superior to the President of the United States, unless he is willing to exert himself in spite of it, as the boss over the employee in a factory. That is my view of it.
And being in that position, knowing that they have said, or claimed, to have the Constitution back of them, certain laws back of them that were primarily designed for property, they owe it to our people to concede, to give, if you please, some of this terrific power by consenting to this board, and letting them, so far as it is possible, at least, for temporary purposes, to adjust the difficulties up there and to relieve our people of the passion into which they have been plunged, but the fact that when these Federal troops were withdrawn, if they are, because of this condition that has grown up for years and years, beginning with the corporations themselves, their own lawlessness, will be too much, and there is a possibility of the repetition of Ludlow unless the President will keep the Federal troops there, and to bring about any sort of settlement, go a step further and appoint this industrial commission, and if both sides do not consent to this arbitration, then it is our contention, in the interests of peace, because of the military necessities of the case, because a republican form of government, with the confession of the governor of the State, has broken down in Colorado and the Constitution says the Federal Government shall guarantee us a republican form of government, that he would be justified in taking some means, even though they be forcible, to compel those who refuse to arbitrate to consent to arbitration.
Now, that is the feeling of many of our people and I speak that feeling. I am not here to speak on behalf of the militia, I am not here to speak on behalf of the mine owners. I am not here to-day to speak on behalf of the mine workers. I am simply here to voice my feelings, after years of experience, being down in the midst, knowing both sides, understanding their viewpoint, to make clear to you, as an industrial commission, in a general way, some of the conditions that have existed in our State and that exist in other States, that have brought about these results, in order that, in time if not now, there may be one result—an investigation like this, and that will begin to tackle conditions and tackle causes that make for these effects,and I would feel false in my duty to the children of my State and the children of this country if I did not take a bigger opportunity for this problem than merely sitting behind a desk and trying the immediate troubles of children. I have done that for 14 years, and I have looked into the faces of these children, and I have tried to think and find out why do boys do bad things? Why do girls do bad things? And I think I have found out. And I look at it and then I ask myself, why do men do bad things? And the reason in the one case is largely the reason in the other; it is the condition, in a large measure, not altogether, say, the environment, their viewpoint.
My plea is for a better understanding of these questions. Therefore I thought if I came over to New York after the President of the United States had given us a most courteous hearing, that Mr. Rockefeller himself would be willing to see me and permit me to present this phase of the situation.But after a courteous request for that privilege he has refused, not only to see me, but while I am of no particular consequence perhaps, I think it is of great consequence that he should have heard the miners’ wiveswhom you courteously and kindly and considerately heard here yesterday, whom the President of United States heard, because, I contend that when men receive profits or have possessions that promise profits, they haven’t any right to take the impersonal view that he takes, and deny any responsibility.Kings have gone down among their people, even in the days of the old feudalists, or even in modern conditions, we have known of kings going among their people and lending them succor and help and not being so impersonal and above them that they would not listen to their woes and troubles and miseries, and be willing to lend something of themselves to really find the cause of these things, and help to solve them, and surely Mr. Rockefeller is no bigger than the President of the United States. He isn’t any bigger than kings, who have done it.
Hellraisers Journal – Saturday March 19, 1904 Telluride, Colorado – Arrested by Militia for Refusing to Scab
March 3, 1904, Telluride, Colorado-Affidavit of A. A. Pratt
AFFIDAVIT.
State of Colorado, County of San Miguel, ss. I, the undersigned A. A. Pratt, make the following statement under oath: On or about February 26, 1904, I was in Denver looking for work. A man by the name of Johnson told me I could get work as a miner in Telluride; that the strike was off and there was no martial law; that the soldiers were all withdrawn, and that transportation was furnished free. I concluded to go, and a Mr. Snodgrass gave me a ticket to Telluride.
When I arrived at Telluride, on the evening of the 27th, I was met at the depot and taken to the Victoria hotel to stay all night. The next morning a horse was brought to the hotel for me to ride to the Smuggler-Union mine, about four miles away. On the way to the mine we passed soldiers standing guard. When I got to the mine I made inquires and found out that the strike was on, that the district was under military rule.As the conditions had been misrepresented to me, and I did not want to work under these conditions, I told the boss that I had forgotten something in town and thus obtained a pass to present to the soldiers between the mine and the town.
In Telluride I was arrested on a warrant sworn to by Bulkely Wells, manager of the Smuggler-Union mine and commander of the militia, charging me with obtaining money under false pretenses. He appeared as a witness against me, although there had been no agreement made with him, nor with any one else, that I was to pay anything for fare, hotel or horse hire. These were furnished me without me asking for them, and he admitted that he had no agreement with me. There was no one but myself that knew anything about the matter, so the justice found me not guilty, but it shows to what measures they are willing to resort.
I do solemnly swear that the above statement is true to the best of my knowledge.
A. A. PRATT.
Sworn and subscribed to before me on the 3rd day of March, 1904 ALBERT HOLMES, Justice of the Peace.
The workers flag is deepest red; It shrouded oft our Martyred Dead, And ere their limbs grew stiff and cold Their hearts’ blood dyed its ev’ry fold. -Jim Connell, 1889
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Hellraisers Journal, Thursday April 26, 1917
From the International Socialist Review: “The Russian Revolution”
THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION
“And let us not fear that we may go too fast. If, at certain hours, we seem to be running at a headlong and dangerous pace, this is to counter-balance the unjustifiable delays and to make up for time lost during centuries of inactivity.”
AS WE go to press, cablegrams bring the good news from Russia that “the national colors, with their eagles, have given place to plain red flags. The red flag of the Revolution is flying from almost every building in Petrograd, even over the famous winter palace of the Czar; tiny red ribbons have been distributed among the people and they are being proudly worn.”
While it is still too early to predict the results of the three day revolt, it is safe to say that the bloody absolutism of centuries is doomed and that the Russian people are on the way to a liberal democracy that will leave Germany the only remaining powerful autocracy on earth.
Hundreds of bread riots and strikes in many large cities culminated in mass action in Petrograd where 13,000 Cossacks were promptly dispatched to quell the “open and violent revolution of the people.” Several thousand imperial police were stationed about the city, provided with machine guns, with orders to mok [mow?] down the hungry crowds clamoring for bread.
Let the voice of the people be heard.
-Albert Parsons
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Hellraisers Journal, Wednesday January 31, 1917
Washington, D. C. – Government Printing Office Publishes Reports
From The Labor World of January 27, 1917:
COMPLETE REPORTS ARE BEING PRINTED
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Commission on Industrial Relations
Issues Volumes on Testimony
Submitted to Congress.
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(By DANTE BARTON.)
NEW YORK, Jan. 25.—There has just been issued from the government printing office in Washington the completed volumes of the testimony submitted to congress by the United States Commission on Industrial Relations of which Frank P. Walsh was chairman.
One of the first of the important industrial acts of the Wilson administration was the appointment by President Wilson of this Industrial Relations Commission with the following membership selected by him. Frank P. Walsh of Missouri, chairman; John R. Commons of Wisconsin and Mrs. J. Borden Harriman of New York, representing the general public; John B. Lennon of Illinois, James O’Connell of Washington, D. C., and Austin B. Garretson of Iowa, representing organized labor; and Frederick A. Delano of Kentucky, representing employers. Upon the resignation of Mr. Delano, to accept a place on the Federal Reserve board, the president named Richard H. Aishton of Illinois, who finished out the term. [Note: The Labor World here neglects to name Harris Weinstock of California and S. Thruston Ballard of Kentucky, both representing employers.]
When the European war was in its beginning and at its height of public interest the news of it was shared on the front pages of all the daily newspapers throughout the country by the news of the hearings conducted by the Walsh commission. Of such tremendous importance were the facts brought out by the commission, so thorough, so inclusive of all phases of the national life and so all embracing in the character and interests of its witnesses were the hearings that the proceedings of the commission were as vital and absorbing of the public interest as was the contemporary news of the greatest world conflict in history.
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