Hellraisers Journal: It is well for the people of this country to know the violence of corporations that is silent, not noisy like the violence they promote.-Testimony of Judge Benjamin B. Lindsey of Colorado

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Quote KE Linderfelt re Damn Red Neck Bitches of Ludlow Massacre, Apr 20, 1914, CIR p7378—————

Hellraisers Journal – Monday June 8, 1914
New York City – Judge Lindsey Continues Before Commission on Industrial Relations

From the Washington Evening Star of May 21, 1914:

Rep Keating Judge Lindsey, Rep Kent, Mrs Lindsey, Pearl Jolly, Mary Petrucci, Mary Thomas, Mrs Lee Champion, Rachel Thomas, Olga Thomas
Rep. Keating, Judge Ben Lindsey, Rep. Kent, Mrs. Lindsey,
Pearl Jolly, Mary Petrucci, Mary Thomas,
Mrs. Lee Champion, Rachel and Olga Thomas
—————

TESTIMONY OF JUDGE BEN B. LINDSEY, Part II
New York, New York, May 28, 1914

Judge Lindsey testified before the Commission on Industrial Relations during the afternoon session of May 28th. Present were Chairman Walsh, and Commissioners Ballard, O’Connell, Lennon, Garretson, and Harriman.

[Judge Lindsey continues:] It is well for the people of this country to know the violence of capital, the violence of corporations, that is silent, if you please, and not noisy like the violence they promote. I think, therefore, that they owe it to our people to consent to the appointment by the President of a board of arbitration, who will go out there and investigate those conditions and listen to both sides, and both sides being willing, assuming, of course, the board is fair and just and acceptable to both sides, to abide by the decision they may come to. And I think a great mistake is being made by the powers that control the industrial government of this country, the seat of which is here in New York, and is as superior to the President of the United States, unless he is willing to exert himself in spite of it, as the boss over the employee in a factory. That is my view of it.

And being in that position, knowing that they have said, or claimed, to have the Constitution back of them, certain laws back of them that were primarily designed for property, they owe it to our people to concede, to give, if you please, some of this terrific power by consenting to this board, and letting them, so far as it is possible, at least, for temporary purposes, to adjust the difficulties up there and to relieve our people of the passion into which they have been plunged, but the fact that when these Federal troops were withdrawn, if they are, because of this condition that has grown up for years and years, beginning with the corporations themselves, their own lawlessness, will be too much, and there is a possibility of the repetition of Ludlow unless the President will keep the Federal troops there, and to bring about any sort of settlement, go a step further and appoint this industrial commission, and if both sides do not consent to this arbitration, then it is our contention, in the interests of peace, because of the military necessities of the case, because a republican form of government, with the confession of the governor of the State, has broken down in Colorado and the Constitution says the Federal Government shall guarantee us a republican form of government, that he would be justified in taking some means, even though they be forcible, to compel those who refuse to arbitrate to consent to arbitration.

Now, that is the feeling of many of our people and I speak that feeling. I am not here to speak on behalf of the militia, I am not here to speak on behalf of the mine owners. I am not here to-day to speak on behalf of the mine workers. I am simply here to voice my feelings, after years of experience, being down in the midst, knowing both sides, understanding their viewpoint, to make clear to you, as an industrial commission, in a general way, some of the conditions that have existed in our State and that exist in other States, that have brought about these results, in order that, in time if not now, there may be one result—an investigation like this, and that will begin to tackle conditions and tackle causes that make for these effects, and I would feel false in my duty to the children of my State and the children of this country if I did not take a bigger opportunity for this problem than merely sitting behind a desk and trying the immediate troubles of children. I have done that for 14 years, and I have looked into the faces of these children, and I have tried to think and find out why do boys do bad things? Why do girls do bad things? And I think I have found out. And I look at it and then I ask myself, why do men do bad things? And the reason in the one case is largely the reason in the other; it is the condition, in a large measure, not altogether, say, the environment, their viewpoint.

My plea is for a better understanding of these questions. Therefore I thought if I came over to New York after the President of the United States had given us a most courteous hearing, that Mr. Rockefeller himself would be willing to see me and permit me to present this phase of the situation. But after a courteous request for that privilege he has refused, not only to see me, but while I am of no particular consequence perhaps, I think it is of great consequence that he should have heard the miners’ wives whom you courteously and kindly and considerately heard here yesterday, whom the President of United States heard, because, I contend that when men receive profits or have possessions that promise profits, they haven’t any right to take the impersonal view that he takes, and deny any responsibility. Kings have gone down among their people, even in the days of the old feudalists, or even in modern conditions, we have known of kings going among their people and lending them succor and help and not being so impersonal and above them that they would not listen to their woes and troubles and miseries, and be willing to lend something of themselves to really find the cause of these things, and help to solve them, and surely Mr. Rockefeller is no bigger than the President of the United States. He isn’t any bigger than kings, who have done it.

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Hellraisers Journal: From Denver’s United Labor Bulletin: “Industrial Commission Hearings Begin Monday at Washington”

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Quote Albert Parsons, Chicago, Nov 11, Alarm p1, Nov 19, 1887—————

Hellraisers Journal – Tuesday April 7, 1914
Washington, D. C. – U. S. Commission on Industrial Relations to Begin Hearings

From the Denver United Labor Bulletin of April 4, 1914:

CIR Testimony to Begin Monday in WDC, ULB p1, Apr 4, 1914CIR Testimony to Begin Monday in WDC, ULB p6, Apr 4, 1914

From the Washington Evening Star of October 23, 1913:

CIR Members, WDC Eve Str p2, Oct 23, 1913
Commons, Garrettson, Ballard, Delano, Harriman,
Weinstock, Lennon, Walsh, O’Connell

From The Altoona Times of October 30, 1913:

CIR Members, Altoona PA Tx p1, Oct 30, 1913
O’Connell, Delano, Commons, Garretson, Harriman,
Ballard, Walsh, Weinstock, Lennon

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Hellraisers Journal: Telluride, San Miguel County, Colorado – Affidavit of A. A. Pratt Arrested by Militia for Refusing to Scab

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Quote Mother Jones, CFI Owns Colorado, re 1903 Strikes UMW WFM, Ab Chp 13, 1925—————

Hellraisers Journal – Saturday March 19, 1904
Telluride, Colorado – Arrested by Militia for Refusing to Scab

March 3, 1904, Telluride, Colorado-Affidavit of A. A. Pratt

AFFIDAVIT.
AH Floaten re AA Pratt of Telluride CO No Scab, ALU p1, Mar 10, 1904

State of Colorado, County of San Miguel, ss.
I, the undersigned A. A. Pratt, make the following statement under oath: On or about February 26, 1904, I was in Denver looking for work. A man by the name of Johnson told me I could get work as a miner in Telluride; that the strike was off and there was no martial law; that the soldiers were all withdrawn, and that transportation was furnished free. I concluded to go, and a Mr. Snodgrass gave me a ticket to Telluride.

When I arrived at Telluride, on the evening of the 27th, I was met at the depot and taken to the Victoria hotel to stay all night. The next morning a horse was brought to the hotel for me to ride to the Smuggler-Union mine, about four miles away. On the way to the mine we passed soldiers standing guard. When I got to the mine I made inquires and found out that the strike was on, that the district was under military rule. As the conditions had been misrepresented to me, and I did not want to work under these conditions, I told the boss that I had forgotten something in town and thus obtained a pass to present to the soldiers between the mine and the town.

In Telluride I was arrested on a warrant sworn to by Bulkely Wells, manager of the Smuggler-Union mine and commander of the militia, charging me with obtaining money under false pretenses. He appeared as a witness against me, although there had been no agreement made with him, nor with any one else, that I was to pay anything for fare, hotel or horse hire. These were furnished me without me asking for them, and he admitted that he had no agreement with me. There was no one but myself that knew anything about the matter, so the justice found me not guilty, but it shows to what measures they are willing to resort.

I do solemnly swear that the above statement is true to the best of my knowledge.

A. A. PRATT.

Sworn and subscribed to before me on the 3rd day of March, 1904
ALBERT HOLMES,
Justice of the Peace.

[Paragraphs and emphasis added.]

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Hellraisers Journal: From the International Socialist Review: “Red flag of the Revolution” flying in Petrograd.

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The workers flag is deepest red;
It shrouded oft our Martyred Dead,
And ere their limbs grew stiff and cold
Their hearts’ blood dyed its ev’ry fold.
-Jim Connell, 1889

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Hellraisers Journal, Thursday April 26, 1917
From the International Socialist Review: “The Russian Revolution”

THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION

“And let us not fear that we may go too fast. If, at certain hours, we seem to be running at a headlong and dangerous pace, this is to counter-balance the unjustifiable delays and to make up for time lost during centuries of inactivity.”

Soldiers Demonstration, Petrograd Feb 1917

AS WE go to press, cablegrams bring the good news from Russia that “the national colors, with their eagles, have given place to plain red flags. The red flag of the Revolution is flying from almost every building in Petrograd, even over the famous winter palace of the Czar; tiny red ribbons have been distributed among the people and they are being proudly worn.”

While it is still too early to predict the results of the three day revolt, it is safe to say that the bloody absolutism of centuries is doomed and that the Russian people are on the way to a liberal democracy that will leave Germany the only remaining powerful autocracy on earth.

Hundreds of bread riots and strikes in many large cities culminated in mass action in Petrograd where 13,000 Cossacks were promptly dispatched to quell the “open and violent revolution of the people.” Several thousand imperial police were stationed about the city, provided with machine guns, with orders to mok [mow?] down the hungry crowds clamoring for bread.

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Hellraisers Journal: Published! 10,000 Copies of Eleven-Volume Sets of Testimony Submitted to Congress by Commission on Industrial Relations

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Let the voice of the people be heard.
-Albert Parsons

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Hellraisers Journal, Wednesday January 31, 1917
Washington, D. C. – Government Printing Office Publishes Reports

From The Labor World of January 27, 1917:

COMPLETE REPORTS ARE BEING PRINTED
—–
Commission on Industrial Relations
Issues Volumes on Testimony
Submitted to Congress.
—–

(By DANTE BARTON.)

Commission on Industrial Relations, Original Members ab 1913

Frank P Walsh from Harper's Weekly of Sept 27, 1913, w name

NEW YORK, Jan. 25.—There has just been issued from the government printing office in Washington the completed volumes of the testimony submitted to congress by the United States Commission on Industrial Relations of which Frank P. Walsh was chairman.

One of the first of the important industrial acts of the Wilson administration was the appointment by President Wilson of this Industrial Relations Commission with the following membership selected by him. Frank P. Walsh of Missouri, chairman; John R. Commons of Wisconsin and Mrs. J. Borden Harriman of New York, representing the general public; John B. Lennon of Illinois, James O’Connell of Washington, D. C., and Austin B. Garretson of Iowa, representing organized labor; and Frederick A. Delano of Kentucky, representing employers. Upon the resignation of Mr. Delano, to accept a place on the Federal Reserve board, the president named Richard H. Aishton of Illinois, who finished out the term. [Note: The Labor World here neglects to name Harris Weinstock of California and S. Thruston Ballard of Kentucky, both representing employers.]

When the European war was in its beginning and at its height of public interest the news of it was shared on the front pages of all the daily newspapers throughout the country by the news of the hearings conducted by the Walsh commission. Of such tremendous importance were the facts brought out by the commission, so thorough, so inclusive of all phases of the national life and so all embracing in the character and interests of its witnesses were the hearings that the proceedings of the commission were as vital and absorbing of the public interest as was the contemporary news of the greatest world conflict in history.

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