Hellraisers Journal – Sunday September 28, 1902 “The Anthracite Coal Strike” by Comrade William Mailly, Part II
From the International Socialist Review of August 1902:
The Anthracite Coal Strike.
[-by William Mailly] ———-
[Part II of II]
Socialist Spirit, July 1902 Comrade Mailly, now in field of great anthracite coal strike.
This somewhat lengthy and yet incomplete explanation of the strike situation has been necessary in order that outsiders can understand why the Socialist agitators received such a warm welcome in the strike region. We came with a new message to the strikers and they heard us gladly. Thrown into the position of fighting simply to save the union that had protected them for two years, harassed and antagonized by the business men whom they had formerly believed their friends, deserted and deceived by the politicians who had always proclaimed themselves their champions, misrepresented and discouraged by the papers they had always supported, they were ready to listen to those who came and spoke the truth. In my experience I have never seen men who listened so eagerly and with such unfeigned enthusiasm to the Socialist presentation of the situation as did these strikers.
But the way had been prepared for us. “Mother” Jones had not been through the region for nothing. Everywhere she had left a trail of Socialist books and papers behind her. Few of the officials but had subscribed for a paper, and many of the miners received one she had subscribed for for them. And “Mother” Jones’ name is a talisman that opens the hearts of the anthracite miners to any Socialist that comes to educate and not abuse.
Then National Secretary Greenbaum’s “strike bulletins,” following upon his messages of friendship to the miners’ conventions, had also familiarized the name of the Socialist Party. These bulletins were much appreciated and made a good impression.
It did not take long, therefore, for the Socialist agitators to secure a hearing. Nothing could more emphasize the different effect produced by the Socialist Labor Party [SLP] tactics and those of the Socialist Party [of America, SPA] than the treatment accorded our representatives. Wherever I went in the region I heard stories of how the S. L. P. agitators had made themselves obnoxious by their attacks upon the union and their efforts to disorganize the men. It sometimes became necessary to explain the difference in the parties to enquirers who classed all Socialists as “union wreckers.”
I think the members of the Socialist Party are justified in believing that the presence of their representatives in the field was beneficial to the strike and the miners’ union. We preached the necessity of Solidarity and explained the industrial situation so that the miners could not help but become imbued with an increased faith in themselves. They were not slow to acknowledge this, and to show their approval of what we said. It became a very easy matter to get up a meeting for a Socialist speaker and, in some cases, men were known to walk several miles to hear us. The Socialists presented the case with a force and clearness that went home and made, I am sure, a lasting impression, especially as the situation provided all the necessary features for Socialist arguments of unlimited length.
There was no antagonism to the Socialists exhibited by any of the officials. On the contrary, there was an evident desire to allow us to be heard, and local officials gave us much assistance. Personally I received a letter from President Mitchell introducing me to the locals, which, as representative of the “Worker,” was of great help to me. I did not have to use the letter to get up meetings. Just as soon as it was learned I was a Socialist and “all right,” meetings were arranged for me. There was no danger of not having anything to do.
Wherever Vail, Spargo, Geiger and Collins had spoken, the same encomiums of their work were heard. We had a clear field, for none of the capitalist party politicians were in sight, and the miners were in the mood for the truth. Collins couldn’t begin to organize locals fast enough, and he’ll probably never do harder or better work again. Fortunately, we had comrades at Carbondale and Wilkesbarre, who took advantage of every opportunity presented.
Two things are to be regretted. First, that more agitators could not be kept in the field, and second, that more literature and better facilities for handling it could not be provided. I was never more impressed with the necessity of a well-formed, efficiently conducted Socialist organization. The national and State officials of the party did their utmost, but their hands were tied for lack of funds. I am of the opinion that half a dozen good Socialist agitators, speaking different languages, following each other through the region, would do more toward winning the strike than all the money the Socialist Party can give to a strike relief fund. The demand for literature cannot begin to be filled. The miners are reading and discussing what they read as never before. Such an opportunity to reach a large number of workingmen so receptive and hungry for knowledge will seldom be presented again. As it is, we can feel that not only have we done our utmost to propagate Socialism, but we have also inculcated into the hearts and minds of thousands of workingmen the true spirit of the class struggle and some conception of the prevailing industrial phenomena.
A final word about the strike itself. That the conditions around the mines justify organization goes without saying. Nevertheless, I believe these conditions might have been endured a while longer if tyranny had not been exercised to such an extent. To be continually insulted and reviled when seeking redress, to be cursed by the boss and subjected to his open contempt, to be ignored by the employer when seeking recognition—this was more than the miners could stand forever. The union has offered them the only medium of expression for their grievances, the only form of protection from the domineering of under bosses and the larger tyranny of the operators they have ever had. The strike is the harvest of years of arbitrary and selfish corporate misrule.
Whatever the outcome may be, the fact that the fight is one to preserve the right to organize should be of encouragement to all Socialists. There is one thing also of which I am morally certain: that, even if the strike be lost, the union will not wholly be destroyed. It has the elements of permanency in it, for men like those to be found in the anthracite region are not conquered by one defeat. The union is there to stay, no matter how this strike may result or who the officers may be. The seed of Solidarity is too deeply planted to be uprooted and destroyed so easily as the mine owners wish. And if the Socialists have only succeeded in planting that seed a little deeper, this alone should recompense us for any money or energy expended during the strike.
Hellraisers Journal – Sunday October 13, 1901 Mother Jones News Round-Up for September 1901, Part II Found at Carbondale, Pennsylvania, Golden Jubilee Celebration
From the Scranton Tribune of September 4, 1901:
BIGGER even than that of Monday was the crowd thronging Carbondale yesterday, when Labor held sway in the semi-centennial celebration.
All the industries and most of the stores were closed and their thousands of employes turned out en masse to participate in the jubilation. The mines in Carbondale and from Forest city to Archbald were idle for the third day in successionand the minters in consequence were rife for a march.
It was in fact a miners’ celebration for they composed three of the four divisions of the parade; it was their leaders who were the distinguished guests, and nearly all the events of the day had a mine flavor.
Quite appropriately it might be called “Mitchell Day.” The president of the United Mine Workers was far and away the feature of the day. He was the chief guest of honor, the principal speaker at the labor mass meeting, the honoree of the evening reception and everybody wore a Mitchell badge…
The weather was of the same delightful character as that of yesterday except in spots, and one of these was a very aggravating spot. Just as President Mitchell was warming up to the principal address of the meeting, the rain commenced to fall heavily.
The crowd seemed bent on weathering the storm but President Mitchell abruptly terminated his speech, with regrets that the meeting was interrupted…..
The first event of the day was the reception of President Mitchell and the other labor leaders who came up from Scranton on the 8:30 D. & H. train. A delegation of the Central Labor union escorted them from the station to the Harrison house and introduced to them the hundreds who were assembled to give them greetings.
The remainder of the morning was given over to the labor parade. There were nearly twenty thousand in line, including many of the most celebrated of the miners’ leaders.
At 1:30 o’clock occurred the unveiling of the tablet marking the site of the first underground anthracite mine in America. Addresses were made by Mayor Kilpatrick, Reese Hughes whose father worked in the mine; President Nicholls, of District No. 1, of the United Mine Workers; “Mother” Jones, of the American Federation of Labor, and Charles Law, son of Archibald Law, the man who opened the mine.
Hellraisers Journal – Friday May 10, 1901 Mother Jones News Round-Up for April 1901, Part II Scranton Silk Strikers-Little Tots Worked by Master Class
From St. Louis Labor of April 13, 1901:
The Strike in Scranton
Mother Jones makes the following statement concerning the strike of the 5,000 silk mill hands in Scranton, Pennsylvania.
Most of them are little tots ranging from 8 to 14 years of age. The poverty of the parents compels them to swear that these babies are of the age when they can be legally worked by the master class. In one mill I found children who toiled twenty-four long, weary days of ten hours each; and at the end of that time received $2 apiece. The vampire who runs the plant felt deeply aggrieved because his little slaves went on strike. He complained that he had built and paid for a new mill and cleared $10,000 in two years, and just as he was getting his head above water, the ungrateful little wretches run away! And then some people say there is no hell! And others that there is no wage slavery! Why, I have got a trunk full of evidence showing that miners were plucked of all their earnings, and didn’t have a dollar from one end of the year to the other. This is capitalism with a vengeance, the robber system that is upheld by those who vote Republican and Democratic tickets.
Boss Davis, the ringleader of the plute cannibals, has offered this compromise: If the strikers allow him to measure their work and take his word for it, he will pay them 25 cents a week more. If they won’t allow him to measure, they must go back at the old rate. It’s a scheme with robbery on its face , and little ones won’t yield.
Hellraisers Journal – Thursday December 20, 1900 Mother Jones News Round-Up for November 1900, Part IV Found Standing with Silk Mill Strikers of Wilkes-Barre and Carbondale
From the Wilkes-Barre Daily News of November 27, 1900:
The trouble at the Hass-Goldsmith Silk Mill is causing a great deal of discussion in labor circles. Mother Jones, one of the most prominent agitators in this country, arrived in town last evening and had lengthy conference with the employes. She expressed a desire that the young women should arrange for a mass meeting, to which the public will be invited.
Mother Jones is in the best of health and spirits and feels elated over the success of the miners’ strike. She is an intelligent woman, and despite the fact that many disagree with her on questions agitating the public mind, they must acknowledge that she is a very clever woman. Mrs. Jones was interviewed yesterday afternoon at Hotel Hart by a News reporter. Among other things she said:
The employes of the Hess-Goldsmith mill sent for me and this evening they will come to my hotel and we will have a conference. From what I can learn the women, boys and girls, have just cause to complain. They are treated something similar to the children at the Freeland silk mills. There one boy received one cent per hour and worked 13½ hours per day. Do you wonder why the employes complain? It is not unusual to see a boy or girl prematurely aged. What is the reason? It is plain to be seen. These little ones are driven from daylight till dawn by a crowd of slave drivers who have not the slightest conception of the honor or respect due womankind. The factories steal from the parents the most desirable jewel, the light, the joy of the home-those bright faced little children. There was a time-I am sorry to say that it is fast disappearing-that she first thing asked a child in the morning by the mother was: “Dear, do you know your lessons?” But this is changed now to, “You must work hard and earn a few cents to-day.”
Hellraisers Journal – Friday October 12, 1900 Mother Jones News Round-Up for September 1900, Part I Found Working with Pennsylvania Miners Ready to Strike
From The Philadelphia Inquirer of September 5, 1900:
A WOMAN’S WILL SWAYS THOUSANDS ——- “Mother” Mary Jones, of Chicago, Now Working Hand in Hand With Mine Workers’ Union, at Wilkes-Barre ——-
Special to The Inquirer.
WILKES-BARRE, Sept. 4.-The United Mine Workers’ Union here seems to be dominated by “Mother” Mary Jones, of Chicago, and she has full sway in dictating the policy of the union in the labor situation here.
She has not only every member of the United Mine Workers’ Union ready to strike, but her eloquent presentation of the wrongs suffered at the hands of the operator has made many new members, while an equal number are ready to follow the union men out without formally joining the organization.
Mrs. Jones has been working among the soft coal miners of the Meyersdale (Md.) and Central Pennsylvania districts since helping those in Tioga county to win their strike last winter.
Fifty-six years of age, she is bright and active. Her white hair commands respect, while her cheery face and manner hearten up the most morose assemblage.
[She said:]
The condition of the miner is most deplorable. He is the butt of a system of robbery. Of course, there are some good operators-men who would correct the grievances if they dared, but who are governed by others. In New Zealand the operators urge the men to organize, but in this country they shoot them down or get out an injunction and throw them into jail.
In this crisis if the operators don’t make concessions I believe that a strike is inevitable. The law says 2240 pounds make a ton. The operator expects 3300 from the miner. The miners are publicly robbed.
The company doctor is an imposition and ought to be driven out. The company store should not be tolerated. I don’t believe the men want to strike, but if it is their only alternative, I say strike.
I do not approve of strikes, but at times they are necessary and if the operators do not grant the just and equitable demands of the men there is but one thing for them to do-strike, and continue to strike until they gain fair treatment.
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The trouble at the Hass-Goldsmith Silk Mill is causing a great deal of discussion in labor circles. Mother Jones, one of the most prominent agitators in this country, arrived in town last evening and had lengthy conference with the employes. She expressed a desire that the young women should arrange for a mass meeting, to which the public will be invited.
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