Don’t worry, fellow-worker,
all we’re going to need from now on is guts.
-Frank Little
Hellraisers Journal, Wednesday September 5, 1917
From the Duluth Labor World: I. W. W., Foe of Nation & Enemy of Labor
The Duluth Labor World, voice of the American Federation of Labor in northern Minnesota, has now declared the Industrial Workers of the World to be a foe of the United States of America and an enemy of true American Labor. Having been willing to organize foreign-born and unskilled workers where the A. F. of L., for the most part, would not, (the United Mine Workers being a noble exception), the I. W. W. is now accused of “exploiting” alien prejudices.
From the Duluth Labor World of September 1, 1917:
The time has come when it is necessary for the men of labor to speak out emphatically against any and all organizations claiming the support of workingmen that are not wholly American to the core. This is no time for quibbling. We do not propose to sit idly by and permit our cause to suffer longer from the foolhardy course of such a self-styled labor organization as the I. W. W., an organization that never did anything for the workingmen save pull their legs.
The enemies of the American trade union have for years been busy in Continental Europe propagating among workingmen against the American Federation of Labor. They declare it is controlled by the so-called “Capitalist Class;” that it is a mass-backed, conservative organization formed for the purpose of perpetuating the wage system, and when foreign laborers come here to work they bring with them their prejudices against the American labor movement.
This is why such an organization as the I. W. W., appeals to the foreign born laborers in this country who have not identified themselves with the American movement. And as a result the poor fellows are frequently led to deep industrial precipices from which they are ruthlessly hurled by the pretensive revolutionary leaders in the I. W. W.
About twenty-five years ago there arrived in this country one Daniel de Leon who brought with him his foreign acquired prejudice against the American movement of the working people. He launched a twin organisation, one-branch of which was for political action, and the other for industrial action. The political organization was known as the Socialist Labor Party. The industrial wing was called the Socialist Trade and Labor Alliance. Its form and propaganda appealed largely to foreign born workingmen of the type which is now making it difficult to establish a stable government in Russia. They were revolutionary impossiblists, and they never got very far with their Old World scheme in the United States.
From the de Leon organisation sprang numerous varieties of Socialists and Industrial Workers, as numerous as the widely advertised varieties of a well known American pickle manufacturer. Some of these pretended to work in sympathy with the American labor movement, but they never lost an opportunity to commit the movement to their political and industrial philosophy.
After circling about in their dream world for a number of years they all got together again in Chicago in 1905 where they launched the now notorious Industrial Workers of the World.
Debs, de Leon, Haywood, St. Johns and a number of others framed a declaration of principles in which it was declared that the purpose of the I. W. W. was to organise the working class on a class basis to the end that the workers would control the industries.
This crowd did not get along very well together; there was a veritable babel among them, many leaving in disgust. The remnant divided into two factions, one with headquarters in Chicago and the other in Detroit, but both using the same name. The Chicago or Haywood faction is probably the more numerous, and by far the more active. Exiled revolutionists from European countries found it a haven in which to work. The advocates of sabotage, direct action and other foreign tactics applied their teachings with telling effect. The organization became the dumping ground of all the extreme “isms” in revolutionary thought. Everything new and untried was ventured, and the professional American hobo found in the organization a fertile field to ply his vocation of begging without running the risk of angry bull dogs guarding the peaceful homes of honest and industrious folks.
War profiteers have nothing on the exploiters of the I. W. W. The poor unskilled foreign born workers, with their acquired European prejudices against the American labor movement, were their easy prey, and they have been worked to a frazzle. There is no constructive policy they respect. They don’t want the workers to improve. They prefer to see conditions of toil so irksome and enslaving that, like the proverbial worm, the workers will savagely turn on their exploiters and devour them. The I. W. W. has no patience with progress; revolution is the thing. They eat revolution; they sleep on it and they dream of it, and that is about all they do, except make the poor devils whom they allure into their camps pay the bills.
The work of the American men of labor is to go among the unskilled laborers of this land and carry to them the message of pure Americanism. They must be taught that labor has advanced here step by step. Today is brighter than yesterday, and we hope to make tomorrow brighter than today. American labor has no set goal to attain. It is just moving on and on, ever upward and always onward, recognizing at most times, first: the authority of the government under which we live and to which we owe so much, and second, the rights of others.
These laborers must be taught that spasmodic uprisings gain them little, and never result in permanent benefit to the working people. If the principle of collective bargaining is to be recognized by large employers of labor the workingmen must have an organization that will stand by its contract and live up to every agreement it makes. There is no place in this country for any other kind of labor organization.
The I. W W., both by its loose system of organization and its fool-like tactics, is doing more harm to the laborers employed in America than the combined opposition of their avowed enemies. The organization and its leaders are enemies of the country as well as enemies of the working people. Labor and the nation will be better off when we are rid of them.
[Emphasis added.]
From The American Federationist of September 1917:
Immediately to the right of the article denouncing the I. W. W., Labor World has republished an editorial by Samuel Gompers stating his belief that labor will benefit greatly when the Great War for “freedom and democracy for all the peoples of all the world” is won. We have gone directly to the source for that editorial.
LABOR’S RESPONSIBILITY
Labor Day, 1917, dawns upon a world convulsed in a titanic struggle for fundamental principles—future world institutions are in the balance. Our own Republic is girding itself for battle. For nearly three years the struggle had been waged before our nation was drawn in—but our participation was made inevitable not only by the manifold inter-relations between nations but by the nature of the principles involved. As between democratic freedom and bureaucratic despotism no nation could remain neutral.
No organization within the United States has had more correct understanding of the issues and the dangers involved than the organized labor movement and no element is more important in enabling the nation to take effective part in defense of our position.
A nation preparing for war must begin with its industries. Since war was declared the needs of the government have become of paramount importance in industry and commerce. An economic reorganization is taking place. The economic center has gravitated to Washington and the new economies make necessary direct relations and an understanding between workers and the government. The government can not deal with these workers individually and therefore must deal with their representatives. A representative capacity is only possible where organization exists. With this understanding the American Federation of Labor has been trying to protect the rights and interests of all workers by securing the establishment of agencies for dealing with matters affecting those engaged in war production.
Problems growing out of the work are problems that affect the lives of workers. They are therefore important to our nation and government not only from the standpoint of material effectiveness but of ideals. A government fighting for freedom and democracy abroad must establish industrial justice in war production at home. For workers are serving the cause just as much as soldiers in the trenches—though not so conspicuously or with such hazard.
The basis upon which our Republic should ask its workers to give service is adequate representation of all agencies determining government plans and methods of carrying them into effect.
Progress has been made toward this end but the workers do not feel that it has gone far enough to assure the toilers their rights. Just methods for insuring justice to workers are the only effective means by which their united cooperation can be secured for the war and by which the menace of terrorism and industrial anarchy can be removed.
The members of organized labor have demonstrated their patriotism and their appreciation of the country’s need, by their patience and their service even under conditions which they could not justify.
On this day, dedicated to Labor, the thoughts of all workers may well be directed to this problem which involves both humanity and country. It is a problem that is of fundamental importance in securing democracy and freedom the world over. The new world relations which Labor hopes to create through the instrumentality of this war must bring freedom and humanity in the vital affairs of life the world over.
Let every worker and every labor organization on this day plan for the realization of their greatest ideals by effective practical demonstration, and action.
The clouds of war hover above us, the world of pain, suffering and travail clutch at our very heartstrings, but beyond them and the sacrifices is a sun beam of encouragement and hope; just a glimmer of victory in the end; a glimpse of the sunbeam which will burst into a full noonday of glorious triumph, of peace with justice, freedom and democracy for all the peoples of all the world.
[Photograph of Gompers added from Labor World.]
SOURCES
The Labor World
(Duluth, Minnesota)
-Sept 1, 1917
(Also source for image of text within article.)
http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn78000395/1917-09-01/ed-1/seq-1
The American Federationist, Volume 24-Part II
(Washington, District of Columbia)
-Aug-Dec 1917
American Federation of Labor, for 1917
https://books.google.com/books?id=e5ZHAQAAIAAJ
Am Fedist Sept 1917
https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=e5ZHAQAAIAAJ&printsec=frontcover&output=reader&hl=en&pg=GBS.PA719
Gompers on Labor & War
https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=e5ZHAQAAIAAJ&printsec=frontcover&output=reader&hl=en&pg=GBS.PA741
IMAGES
AFL Emblem, Am Fedist, Aug-Dec 1917
https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=e5ZHAQAAIAAJ&printsec=frontcover&output=reader&hl=en&pg=GBS.PA594
Samuel Gompers, Editorials, Am Fedist, Sept 1917
https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=e5ZHAQAAIAAJ&printsec=frontcover&output=reader&hl=en&pg=GBS.PA741
Samuel Gompers, Labor World, Sept 1, 1917
http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn78000395/1917-09-01/ed-1/seq-1/
American Federationist, AFL, Sept 1, 1917
https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=e5ZHAQAAIAAJ&printsec=frontcover&output=reader&hl=en&pg=GBS.PA758
See also:
Note: The Labor World article gives the impression that the IWW was mainly founded by the SLP and Daniel DeLeon. In fact, more delegates, by far, were members of the Socialist Party of America (Debs, Mother Jones, Haywood, etc etc were all members of the SPA at that time). There was an attempt on the part of the the Founding Convention at what might now be called “left unity” which included the SPA, the SLP, and even Lucy Parsons, who still considered herself an anarchist at that time. Some of the delegates where simply trade unionist who recognized the limits of Craft Unionism and wished to promote Industrial Unionism.
IWW Documents
https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/unions/iww/
Daniel DeLeon
http://spartacus-educational.com/USAleon.htm
Socialist Labor Party
http://spartacus-educational.com/USAsocialistL.htm
Socialist Trade and Labor Alliance
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Socialist_Trade_and_Labor_Alliance
Debs on Revolutionary Industrial Unionism, 1905
https://www.marxists.org/archive/debs/works/1905/comunion.htm
https://www.marxists.org/archive/debs/works/1905/revunion.htm
https://www.marxists.org/archive/debs/works/1905/classunionism.htm
https://www.marxists.org/archive/debs/works/1905/industrial.htm
https://www.marxists.org/archive/debs/works/1905/iwwfound.htm